Asia
Three years history of anti-Taliban movements and their common failures
Three years have passed since the fall of the “Afghanistan Republic” following the victory of the Taliban after over 20 years of deadly fighting against the US forces and the then Afghan security forces. The Taliban entered Kabul, the capital city, on 15 of August 2021, following the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan in a hasty way. At the outset, the Taliban announced amnesty to everyone including the Afghan politicians, former soldiers and those who worked for the US and other foreign troops in Afghanistan in the last 20 years. The Taliban called on the exile-Afghan politicians to return back to their country under full protection of the Taliban. However, it seems, no politician was willing to go back rather they called for resistance against the Taliban.
Meanwhile, some politicians formed new political parties with different names to fight against the Taliban, while some of them remained silent and opposed armed resistance against the Taliban.
Military fronts have also formed against the Taliban and it seems that they have failed to create a serious challenge to the government of Taliban. Now, on the three-year anniversary of the fall of the Republic, a look at the three-year track record of anti-Taliban movements and fronts is being taken.
Supreme Council of National Resistance of Afghanistan
Afghanistan’s national resistance movement is one of the first anti-Taliban political movements in which political figures and jihadi leaders have gathered.
This council announced its existence very soon after the fall of the Afghan government. Key political figures including Atta Mohammad Noor, Mohammad Mohaqeq, Marshal Dostum, Ahmad Massoud, Ahmadwali Massoud, Ahmadzia Massoud, Abdul Rab Rasool Sayyaf, Salahuddin Rabbani, Mohammad Younis Qannoni, Mohammad Sarour Danesh, Abdul Latif Pedram, Mir Rahman Rahmani, Mohammad Alam Izdiyar, Hazrat Ali and a number of other political figures are members of the council.
This council, which is known by its full name “Supreme Council of Resistance for the Rescue of Afghanistan”, has continuously followed the major political issues of the country since its establishment and has reacted to those issues by issuing declarations in many cases.
The main desire of this council is the presence of all ethnic groups living in the country in political organizations and their participation in power. In order to achieve this goal, this council has proposed the establishment of a political system based on elections and has asked the Taliban to come to the intra-Afghan dialogue and negotiate about the future political system. This was rejected by the Taliban at the very beginning of the formation of this council.
This council and its prominent members have always said that their priority is to negotiate to solve the political problem of Afghanistan, but if the Taliban do not engage in negotiations and do not make a positive change in their behavior and policy, they will inevitably resort to the military option.
However, the Taliban said that there is no need to talk about the situation of Afghanistan abroad, and called on them to return to Afghanistan and they will carry talks on the structure of the government inside the country.
National Peace and Justice Movement
The National Peace and Justice Movement political party announced formation by holding an online meeting a year ago. Among the prominent members of this organization are Mohammad Haneef Atmar, Mohammad Masoom Stanekzai, Nisar Ahmed Ghoryani, General Khodadad, Mobarez Rashidi, General Murad Ali Murad, Salamat Azimi, Alam Sai, Seyyed Nurullah Sadat and several other officials of the previous government.
The goal of this political movement is to achieve a system based on people’s votes, and the way to achieve it is the Taliban’s adherence to their commitments in the Doha Agreement between the Taliban and the United States.
This political organization, which has completely excluded war from the options, has not said that if the Taliban do not stick to their commitment, what means and solutions do they have to reach the government based on people’s votes. Although Jalil Shams was mentioned as its temporary head at the time of the announcement of the existence of this political movement, but the speculations are that Mr. Atmar and Mr. Stankzai are in fact in charge of its management and leadership.
However, after this movement announced its existence, it is no longer present in the political and media environment, even to the extent of reacting to cases in news announcements, although it is not completely absent. For example, after a long time, after the United Nations published a report on the functioning of the Ministry of Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, this political movement reacted to it and called the Taliban’s behavior “playing with the religion of Islam” in a statement. This was the only reaction of the national peace and justice movement in 2024. However, this political organization announced that they have formed a coalition with four other political currents under the name “Afghanistan National Movements Coalition” whose desire is to form a government based on people’s votes.
Justice and Freedom Party of Afghanistan led by Sarwar Danesh
Mohammad Sarwar Danesh, the second vice president of Ashraf Ghani from 2014 to 2021, after he left the country on the day of the fall of the Afghan government, he created a political current outside the country called the “Justice and Freedom Party”. As far as the information is available, the members of the leadership of this party are mostly those who were close to Mr. Danesh in the government under the leadership of Ashraf Ghani, including his advisers in the second vice-president.
When Danesh was the vice president of Ghani, changing the political structure from a centralized presidency to federalism with the aim of horizontal distribution of power had become a relatively serious demand at the country level.
At that time, some political parties and the people of Afghanistan continuously emphasized on changing the structure to a federal one, but Mr. Danesh considered it to the detriment of Afghanistan and said that the ground for establishing such an order in the country is not favorable. But now he leads a party whose main goal is to achieve federalism in Afghanistan.
National Resistance Front of Afghanistan led by Ahmad Masoud
On August 15, 2021, when Kabul fell to the Taliban, most of the politicians were deported or evacuated to the foreign countries, but a number of politicians and officials of the previous government went to Panjshir province to start resistance against the Taliban, where it had not yet fallen into the hands of the Taliban. Amrullah Saleh, the first vice president of Ghani, Basmullah Mohammadi, the defense minister of the previous government, and Fazal Ahmed Manavi, the justice minister of the previous government, were prominent government officials who went to Panjshir with a number of former military forces and launched the “Afghan National Resistance Front” under the leadership of Ahmad Masoud
Mr. Saleh claimed the presidency and said that according to the constitution, if the president dies, flees or resigns, his first vice president becomes the interim president. The main goal of this front is to establish a moderate and decentralized Islamic democratic system with respect for human rights and women’s rights. The National Resistance Front first entered into negotiations with the Taliban, but very quickly the issue turned into a frontal war.
On September 6, the Taliban launched an all-out attack and took control of Panjshir, and the last province of Afghanistan also fell into the hands of the Taliban. At the same time, the leaders of the National Resistance Front went abroad, but some of its commanders remained in the field with their military forces and continued to fight against the Taliban. The focus of the war was on parts of Panjshir, Andrabs of Baghlan province and part of Takhar province.
In this war, several prominent commanders of the National Resistance Front, including Commander Malek Dara, Commander Tahir, Commander Khair Mohammad Khairkhah, and some others, were killed along with some of their foot soldiers.
Common failure of anti-Taliban movements
From the very beginning, it was clear that the anti-Taliban movements simply cannot stand together and unite. The creation of so many parties and political or military currents is the most obvious reason for this fragmentation. The current chaotic situation of the Afghan society can also be seen in the face of the anti-Taliban currents.
They can’t trust each other, they don’t accept other leadership and they haven’t been able to get popular support. They are not even in the same page regards to engagement with the Taliban. Some of them in support of a large-scale military operation, while other says war is not the solution, and at the same time the Taliban are saying they are willing to talk with the former politicians but they want this to happen inside the country. The Taliban says that this is an internal issue and must be resolved in the country.
Meanwhile, there is a common perception that these former politicians cannot unite or trust each other and also all of them want to lead the leadership. This common weakness has made the anti-Taliban currents unable to challenge this group in the last three years.
Worth mentioning that some of those who lead the anti-Taliban parties own real estate in Afghanistan under the control of the Taliban, which probably affected their performance.
On the other hand, these people, most of whom held high positions in the previous government of Afghanistan, just as they took the bitter experience of failure with them outside the country, they also took with them the bad memories of accusing each other, negative rivalries and disruptions. Some of them, who have been seen around the country’s politics for years, are accused in public opinion and do not have very defensible cases. Instead of focusing more on people’s power and trying to win people’s trust, these currents and fronts have tried to win foreign support, but they have failed.
Anti-Taliban moments and fronts have failed to gain the trust and support of foreign powers because they have not united and, according to foreigners, have not been able to form an alternative to the Taliban.
Asia
Analysts warn new surge in Chinese exports threatens global markets
Financial Times writer Ryan Avent has written that a fresh, rapid surge in China’s trade surplus could signal a new wave of the “China shock”.
Economists define the “China shock” as a spike in Chinese exports to global markets that intensifies competition for manufacturers in advanced economies and curtails employment in certain sectors.
The term gained widespread currency after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, accelerating the inflow of inexpensive Chinese goods into the US and other nations.
The US was the country hit hardest by the initial shockwave. Between 1999 and 2011, more than 2 million jobs were lost because domestic producers were unable to withstand the competition.
Avent argued that the effects of the initial wave are still felt across the American economy because China failed to carry out the rebalancing that the world expected.
The share of net exports in China’s gross domestic product contracted during the 2007-2019 period, allowing Western nations to focus on national security and other matters.
Avent reported that the trade surplus is now escalating rapidly once again, posing a threat to the economies of wealthy nations.
The writer pointed to the stagnation of domestic demand following the collapse of the real estate market six years ago as one cause of this surplus. Another prominent factor is the Beijing government’s channelling of massive resources into manufacturing in pursuit of self-sufficiency.
Attention was also drawn to the role of the depreciating yuan. An appreciation of the currency could require China to alter its foreign exchange interventions, reduce purchases of foreign currency and assets, and sell those assets off. That scenario could trigger currency depreciation and rising interest rates in other countries.
The Wall Street Journal also reported in the spring of 2024 on economists’ concerns regarding a potential second wave.
Experts predicted that global markets would once again be flooded with inexpensive goods, stating that China was manufacturing far beyond domestic demand to overcome its economic troubles.
Moreover, it was stressed that China is now competing in high-technology fields such as automobiles, computer chips, and complex machinery manufacturing.
Meanwhile, Vasiliy Kashin, Director of the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics (HSE) University in Moscow, told the Russian media outlet RBC that the US has imposed sanctions on the Chinese economy since the first shock period, adding that these measures would very likely tighten in the event of a fresh export wave.
According to assessments reported by the Financial Times, this new process could also shake China’s own economy. Alongside rising output, entry-level manufacturing plants across the country are turning toward automation and reducing personnel.
This trend could trigger a painful departure from labour-intensive production, leaving millions unemployed. Manufacturing activities in China that previously capitalised on cheap labour are shifting to other Southeast Asian countries.
The Beijing administration rejected allegations that its industrialisation steps pose risks to other countries. As reported by the Xinhua news agency, China’s Ministry of Commerce stressed that claims of a “China shock 2.0” are groundless. The ministry stated:
“The US and other Western countries have circulated the so-called ‘China shock 2.0’ narrative, asserting that China’s industrial development has shaken Western monopolies and narrowed growth space for Global South countries. This claim is unsupported by concrete data and is entirely unfounded.”
Asia
Iran and China run secret barter network to bypass oil sanctions
Iran is operating a covert, barter-like trade mechanism to bypass sanctions on its oil sales and procure billions of dollars in goods from China, including military hardware.
Speaking to the Reuters news agency, two senior Iranian officials and three sources closely monitoring the matter said the Tehran administration receives credits for goods imported from China instead of cash in exchange for the oil it sells to the country.
The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, emphasised that this method of swapping oil revenues for Chinese goods provides an immediate financial lifeline to the Tehran government at a time when the US has intensified economic and military pressure over its nuclear programme.
China, the world’s largest crude importer, continues to access discounted Iranian oil through this arrangement while shielding its banks and exporting companies from the risk of international penalties.
Although the Washington administration has imposed sanctions on several small-scale Chinese entities facilitating the transport of Iranian oil, it avoids sweeping measures that could shake the global economy.
The US has stepped up its pressure as it seeks to reopen the Strait of Hormuz amid the ongoing war between the two countries.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said last month that countries failing to cut commercial ties with Tehran would risk exclusion from the dollar system.
It remains unclear how the barter mechanism has been affected by the US naval blockade imposed on Iran as part of the six-month-old war.
However, since the reimposition of the blockade on 14 July, no shipments of Iranian oil passing through the Strait of Hormuz to China have been recorded.
Beijing and Tehran, which describe Western unilateral sanctions as illegal, refrain from disclosing publicly how they sustain their trade.
Sources state that Tehran introduced this system to obtain pharmaceuticals, vehicles, and communications equipment. Chinese manufacturers are said to have no direct contact with Iran, and there is no indication that they are violating sanctions.
On the other hand, the mechanism was utilised at least once last year under contracts supplying Iran with millions of dollars’ worth of air defence equipment. The sources provided no details regarding the shipments in question, and the transactions were not independently verified.
The United Nations conventional arms embargo returned alongside other sanctions in September 2025 following the collapse of the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and world powers.
Tehran had withdrawn from the terms of the agreement, while Beijing and Tehran described the European nations’ automatic reimposition of sanctions as legally flawed.
Responding to questions from Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it had no knowledge of the trade structure in question.
Beijing stated that it opposes unilateral sanctions lacking United Nations Security Council authorisation and having no basis in international law.
Iran’s diplomatic missions in New York and Geneva remained silent on the inquiries. A US official speaking on behalf of the White House stated only that they are working with international partners, including the EU, to prevent Tehran from achieving its nuclear goals.
According to data analytics company Kpler, China purchased more than 80% of the crude oil exported by Iran in 2025. This share equates to an average of 1.4 million barrels per day.
Although the two countries signed a 25-year strategic partnership agreement in 2021 covering energy and infrastructure, the operational details of their cooperation remain largely confidential.
The model in question constitutes only one of the networks through which Iran procures goods and services from China without passing through international banking channels.
A Western official and two other individuals tracking the matter said that a buyer acting on behalf of state-owned Chinese oil company Zhuhai Zhenrong deposited hundreds of millions of dollars each month until this year into ChuXin, a shadow financial entity based in China.
These deposits reportedly represent payment for oil purchased from a Hong Kong-based company linked to the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC).
Approximately 70% of the oil revenues routed through ChuXin is allocated to infrastructure projects in Iran. The remainder is transferred to the accounts of a special purpose vehicle (SPV) established to disburse payments to companies supplying goods to Iran.
Sources close to Iran’s decision-making apparatus confirm the existence of this financial mechanism.
Fund management is shared between a firm acting on behalf of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and another entity linked to the Central Bank of Iran. When the Central Bank of Iran authorises importers, money transfers are directed to supplier firms. While the name ChuXin does not appear in official records, one source noted that the structure exists solely on balance sheets.
Andrea Ghiselli, an international politics specialist at the University of Exeter, stated that Beijing uses these indirect networks to demonstrate that it will not bow to US secondary sanction threats.
Highlighting that Chinese leaders aim to protect their own banks and firms from being pushed out of the global financial system, Ghiselli said: “They want to create deniability.”
Asia
China leads $54bn capital injection into state banks and insurers
China’s Ministry of Finance will lead a total capital injection of $54 billion into state-owned insurance companies and banks as part of a coordinated push to reinforce the capital structure across the country’s financial system, according to details disclosed by the institutions in statements on Sunday.
China Life Insurance (Group) Co, the country’s largest life insurer, will receive 35 billion yuan ($5.2 billion) in capital support, whilst China Taiping Insurance Group will receive 7 billion yuan.
In a separate announcement, People’s Insurance Company (Group) of China (PICC) said it plans to raise up to 15 billion yuan via a private placement of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance. The company stated that the proceeds will be used to replenish its capital.
The initiative could fortify the financial position of state insurers, which have been called upon to support the equity market with medium- and long-term funds. At the same time, it could position these institutions to help regulatory authorities manage smaller and higher-risk insurance companies.
Financial sector stability
China’s insurance industry has been contending with shrinking profitability caused by prolonged low interest rates. Solvency ratios across numerous small and medium-sized insurers have also deteriorated.
China Export and Credit Insurance Corp stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 10 billion yuan to boost the company’s core capital. China Reinsurance (Group) announced that it will execute a capital increase of 3 billion yuan.
“The capital injection represents an important step for enhancing the financial sector’s capacity to serve the real economy and promoting high-quality development across the financial and insurance industries,” China Life said in a statement. The insurer added that the capital support will improve the group’s resilience to risks.
Taiping also noted that the funds provided will strengthen the company’s solvency and other core metrics.
Banks benefit from recapitalisation plan
Separately, three state banks announced on Sunday that they will receive capital support totalling 290 billion yuan.
The recapitalisation framework was first announced during the annual parliamentary meetings in March this year. The move broadens a funding mechanism deployed last year to strengthen the capital structures of several other major state-owned lenders.
Agricultural Bank of China and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), two of the country’s largest state-owned lenders, announced plans to raise up to 160 billion yuan and 100 billion yuan, respectively, through private placements of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance, China National Tobacco Corp, and affiliated entities.
Both lenders confirmed that all net proceeds will be deployed to replenish their Core Tier 1 capital. The measure is expected to help sustain credit expansion at a juncture when Beijing is increasingly relying on state lenders to support economic growth.
Weak credit demand remains a persistent headwind for the world’s second-largest economy, while continuing to erode profitability across the banking sector.
Export-Import Bank of China, one of the country’s three policy banks, stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 30 billion yuan of capital into the institution, thereby bolstering its capital base.
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