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What does Iran wants from the Taliban?

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The Islamic Republic of Iran is one of Afghanistan’s neighboring countries, which shares a common language, culture and religion with the people of Afghanistan. Iran, especially after the “Islamic Revolution” in that country, has had close relations with the governments and people of Afghanistan. But in most cases, Tehran has intervened in Afghanistan’s internal affairs to secure his own interests.

Iran’s government, which is more ideological, has always been afraid of the functioning of democratic governments based on modern values ​​in Afghanistan. With the coming to power of the People’s Democratic Party, which had the support of the former Soviet Union, the Islamic Revolution took place in Iran under the leadership of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and the “monarchy regime” fell. Iran’s Mullahs’ government was worried about the implementation of such a regime in Afghanistan.

Although the Democratic Party of Afghanistan was also a regime with leftist ideas and influenced by “communism”, it was not like Iran. This issue forced Iran to start supporting Shiite Islamist groups to create obstacles for the current government of Afghanistan.

Of course, he also achieved some successes in this regard. The groups that had the support of the Iranian government played a large role in the civil wars. But despite the new order in Afghanistan and the presence of NATO forces led by the United States of America, Iran did not play a significant role in Afghanistan’s internal relations.

At first, Iran tried to raise its position in Afghan relations by financially supporting the office of the previous president of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai. However, the US played a key role in major national decisions and Iran’s efforts failed. Iran changed its approach and returned to the trick of the seventies and provided financial and arms support to the Taliban group against the Afghan government and American forces. In some cases, it also provided shelter for Taliban leaders.

Although the Taliban and Iran did not have a good relationship after the killing of the diplomats of this country in Mazar-e-Sharif by the Taliban, but with regard to the “enemy of an enemy is a friend” category, Iran established relations with the Taliban to secure its interests and supported them in this way.

Iran lobbied for the Taliban group and dragged Russia’s foot into the issue in order to be able to ground the US in Afghanistan. The government of Iran, with the support of the Taliban, was hindering the progress in dam construction and containment of Afghanistan’s waters.

After the Taliban came to power

With the withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan in 2014, Iran has openly supported the Taliban. With the signing of the Doha agreement between the Taliban and the United States, Iran increased its support to the Taliban against the forces of the previous Afghan government. But the question that arises is what did Iran want from the Taliban and what does it still want?

Although the main reasons why Iran supported the Taliban have not been made public, it is most likely that Iran supports the Taliban for several reasons and wants to be closer to them;

Lack of water: Iran is currently facing a shortage of water resources. If the dam construction project expands on the waters that flow to Iran, the problem of water shortage in the neighboring provinces of Afghanistan will double, which is a big challenge for the government of that country. Although the Taliban have stated from time to time that they control the waters of Afghanistan, in practice they have left a lot of water for Iran.

Expansion of ISIS activities: Iran is worried about the expansion of Islamic State (IS) militants in Iran due to its common land border with Afghanistan. The IS group, whose scope of activities has expanded from Iraq and the Middle East to some parts of Afghanistan, has deep opposition to the Shiites Muslims and Iran government is mostly controlled by the Shittes. Therefore, the only suitable option to prevent IS from entering Iran is the Taliban.

Drug trafficking: Afghanistan has played a major role in the production of drugs in the world and in the region. With the return to power of the Taliban regime, the production and smuggling of drugs to neighboring countries has increased. Iran is worried about drug production and smuggling to that country. Proximity to the Taliban is a mechanism used by Iran to smuggle drugs.

Durability of the Taliban government: Currently, the strengthening and stability of the Taliban government is in the interest of Iran. Because the level of dissatisfaction with Iran’s government has increased within that country, and any development along with human freedoms in Afghanistan will increase the concerns of Iran’s government. On the other hand, Iran and the Taliban, two ideological systems, Sunni and Shia, seek their survival in close relations.

Finally, Iran wants the Taliban to support its interests in Afghanistan as a proxy group. The Iranian government knows very well that it has no way out without having relations with the Taliban group.

In order to have support at the regional level and not be marginalized, the Taliban prefer to maintain relations with Iran. In order to expand its relations with the Taliban, and especially with Donald Trump’s inauguration as United States president, Iran sent its foreign minister to the Taliban so that the Taliban would stand by Iran in future events that will take place between the United States and Iran. Even though the Taliban do not have such ability, for Iran, even the weakest friend is better than none at the moment.

Asia

Analysts warn new surge in Chinese exports threatens global markets

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Financial Times writer Ryan Avent has written that a fresh, rapid surge in China’s trade surplus could signal a new wave of the “China shock”.

Economists define the “China shock” as a spike in Chinese exports to global markets that intensifies competition for manufacturers in advanced economies and curtails employment in certain sectors.

The term gained widespread currency after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, accelerating the inflow of inexpensive Chinese goods into the US and other nations.

The US was the country hit hardest by the initial shockwave. Between 1999 and 2011, more than 2 million jobs were lost because domestic producers were unable to withstand the competition.

Avent argued that the effects of the initial wave are still felt across the American economy because China failed to carry out the rebalancing that the world expected.

The share of net exports in China’s gross domestic product contracted during the 2007-2019 period, allowing Western nations to focus on national security and other matters.

Avent reported that the trade surplus is now escalating rapidly once again, posing a threat to the economies of wealthy nations.

The writer pointed to the stagnation of domestic demand following the collapse of the real estate market six years ago as one cause of this surplus. Another prominent factor is the Beijing government’s channelling of massive resources into manufacturing in pursuit of self-sufficiency.

Attention was also drawn to the role of the depreciating yuan. An appreciation of the currency could require China to alter its foreign exchange interventions, reduce purchases of foreign currency and assets, and sell those assets off. That scenario could trigger currency depreciation and rising interest rates in other countries.

The Wall Street Journal also reported in the spring of 2024 on economists’ concerns regarding a potential second wave.

Experts predicted that global markets would once again be flooded with inexpensive goods, stating that China was manufacturing far beyond domestic demand to overcome its economic troubles.

Moreover, it was stressed that China is now competing in high-technology fields such as automobiles, computer chips, and complex machinery manufacturing.

Meanwhile, Vasiliy Kashin, Director of the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics (HSE) University in Moscow, told the Russian media outlet RBC that the US has imposed sanctions on the Chinese economy since the first shock period, adding that these measures would very likely tighten in the event of a fresh export wave.

According to assessments reported by the Financial Times, this new process could also shake China’s own economy. Alongside rising output, entry-level manufacturing plants across the country are turning toward automation and reducing personnel.

This trend could trigger a painful departure from labour-intensive production, leaving millions unemployed. Manufacturing activities in China that previously capitalised on cheap labour are shifting to other Southeast Asian countries.

The Beijing administration rejected allegations that its industrialisation steps pose risks to other countries. As reported by the Xinhua news agency, China’s Ministry of Commerce stressed that claims of a “China shock 2.0” are groundless. The ministry stated:

“The US and other Western countries have circulated the so-called ‘China shock 2.0’ narrative, asserting that China’s industrial development has shaken Western monopolies and narrowed growth space for Global South countries. This claim is unsupported by concrete data and is entirely unfounded.”

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Iran and China run secret barter network to bypass oil sanctions

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Iran is operating a covert, barter-like trade mechanism to bypass sanctions on its oil sales and procure billions of dollars in goods from China, including military hardware.

Speaking to the Reuters news agency, two senior Iranian officials and three sources closely monitoring the matter said the Tehran administration receives credits for goods imported from China instead of cash in exchange for the oil it sells to the country.

The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, emphasised that this method of swapping oil revenues for Chinese goods provides an immediate financial lifeline to the Tehran government at a time when the US has intensified economic and military pressure over its nuclear programme.

China, the world’s largest crude importer, continues to access discounted Iranian oil through this arrangement while shielding its banks and exporting companies from the risk of international penalties.

Although the Washington administration has imposed sanctions on several small-scale Chinese entities facilitating the transport of Iranian oil, it avoids sweeping measures that could shake the global economy.

The US has stepped up its pressure as it seeks to reopen the Strait of Hormuz amid the ongoing war between the two countries.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said last month that countries failing to cut commercial ties with Tehran would risk exclusion from the dollar system.

It remains unclear how the barter mechanism has been affected by the US naval blockade imposed on Iran as part of the six-month-old war.

However, since the reimposition of the blockade on 14 July, no shipments of Iranian oil passing through the Strait of Hormuz to China have been recorded.

Beijing and Tehran, which describe Western unilateral sanctions as illegal, refrain from disclosing publicly how they sustain their trade.

Sources state that Tehran introduced this system to obtain pharmaceuticals, vehicles, and communications equipment. Chinese manufacturers are said to have no direct contact with Iran, and there is no indication that they are violating sanctions.

On the other hand, the mechanism was utilised at least once last year under contracts supplying Iran with millions of dollars’ worth of air defence equipment. The sources provided no details regarding the shipments in question, and the transactions were not independently verified.

The United Nations conventional arms embargo returned alongside other sanctions in September 2025 following the collapse of the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and world powers.

Tehran had withdrawn from the terms of the agreement, while Beijing and Tehran described the European nations’ automatic reimposition of sanctions as legally flawed.

Responding to questions from Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it had no knowledge of the trade structure in question.

Beijing stated that it opposes unilateral sanctions lacking United Nations Security Council authorisation and having no basis in international law.

Iran’s diplomatic missions in New York and Geneva remained silent on the inquiries. A US official speaking on behalf of the White House stated only that they are working with international partners, including the EU, to prevent Tehran from achieving its nuclear goals.

According to data analytics company Kpler, China purchased more than 80% of the crude oil exported by Iran in 2025. This share equates to an average of 1.4 million barrels per day.

Although the two countries signed a 25-year strategic partnership agreement in 2021 covering energy and infrastructure, the operational details of their cooperation remain largely confidential.

The model in question constitutes only one of the networks through which Iran procures goods and services from China without passing through international banking channels.

A Western official and two other individuals tracking the matter said that a buyer acting on behalf of state-owned Chinese oil company Zhuhai Zhenrong deposited hundreds of millions of dollars each month until this year into ChuXin, a shadow financial entity based in China.

These deposits reportedly represent payment for oil purchased from a Hong Kong-based company linked to the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC).

Approximately 70% of the oil revenues routed through ChuXin is allocated to infrastructure projects in Iran. The remainder is transferred to the accounts of a special purpose vehicle (SPV) established to disburse payments to companies supplying goods to Iran.

Sources close to Iran’s decision-making apparatus confirm the existence of this financial mechanism.

Fund management is shared between a firm acting on behalf of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and another entity linked to the Central Bank of Iran. When the Central Bank of Iran authorises importers, money transfers are directed to supplier firms. While the name ChuXin does not appear in official records, one source noted that the structure exists solely on balance sheets.

Andrea Ghiselli, an international politics specialist at the University of Exeter, stated that Beijing uses these indirect networks to demonstrate that it will not bow to US secondary sanction threats.

Highlighting that Chinese leaders aim to protect their own banks and firms from being pushed out of the global financial system, Ghiselli said: “They want to create deniability.”

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China leads $54bn capital injection into state banks and insurers

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China’s Ministry of Finance will lead a total capital injection of $54 billion into state-owned insurance companies and banks as part of a coordinated push to reinforce the capital structure across the country’s financial system, according to details disclosed by the institutions in statements on Sunday.

China Life Insurance (Group) Co, the country’s largest life insurer, will receive 35 billion yuan ($5.2 billion) in capital support, whilst China Taiping Insurance Group will receive 7 billion yuan.

In a separate announcement, People’s Insurance Company (Group) of China (PICC) said it plans to raise up to 15 billion yuan via a private placement of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance. The company stated that the proceeds will be used to replenish its capital.

The initiative could fortify the financial position of state insurers, which have been called upon to support the equity market with medium- and long-term funds. At the same time, it could position these institutions to help regulatory authorities manage smaller and higher-risk insurance companies.

Financial sector stability

China’s insurance industry has been contending with shrinking profitability caused by prolonged low interest rates. Solvency ratios across numerous small and medium-sized insurers have also deteriorated.

China Export and Credit Insurance Corp stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 10 billion yuan to boost the company’s core capital. China Reinsurance (Group) announced that it will execute a capital increase of 3 billion yuan.

“The capital injection represents an important step for enhancing the financial sector’s capacity to serve the real economy and promoting high-quality development across the financial and insurance industries,” China Life said in a statement. The insurer added that the capital support will improve the group’s resilience to risks.

Taiping also noted that the funds provided will strengthen the company’s solvency and other core metrics.

Banks benefit from recapitalisation plan

Separately, three state banks announced on Sunday that they will receive capital support totalling 290 billion yuan.

The recapitalisation framework was first announced during the annual parliamentary meetings in March this year. The move broadens a funding mechanism deployed last year to strengthen the capital structures of several other major state-owned lenders.

Agricultural Bank of China and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), two of the country’s largest state-owned lenders, announced plans to raise up to 160 billion yuan and 100 billion yuan, respectively, through private placements of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance, China National Tobacco Corp, and affiliated entities.

Both lenders confirmed that all net proceeds will be deployed to replenish their Core Tier 1 capital. The measure is expected to help sustain credit expansion at a juncture when Beijing is increasingly relying on state lenders to support economic growth.

Weak credit demand remains a persistent headwind for the world’s second-largest economy, while continuing to erode profitability across the banking sector.

Export-Import Bank of China, one of the country’s three policy banks, stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 30 billion yuan of capital into the institution, thereby bolstering its capital base.

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