Opinion
The U.S. 2025 ‘National Security Strategy’ Report and the Disintegration Facing the U.S.–Europe Alliance
The Twilight of Transatlantic Relations: The U.S. 2025 Version of the ‘National Security Strategy’ Report and the Disintegration Facing the U.S.–Europe Alliance
Wang Wanying and Ma Xiaolin
The 2025 version of the “National Security Strategy” report released by the Trump administration of the United States on December 4 was like a huge stone thrown into a pool of water, stirring up stormy waves. This document, which proclaims America’s future new security policy, not only removes China and Russia from the position of primary threats, but also tolls the imminent centennial death knell for the transatlantic alliance that has lasted for a hundred years. Not only that, Trump also harshly castigated and humiliated America’s European allies, fearing that Europe might misread this report announcing the end of the U.S.–Europe marriage.
On December 9, Trump said in an interview with the U.S. outlet Politico that “most European countries are becoming rotten.” He accused Europe’s immigration policies of being a “disaster,” saying that “they want political correctness, and that makes them weak” … and that some European leaders are “utter fools.”
The Daily Telegraph, published on the 10th, even revealed that a leaked version of the 2025 “National Security Strategy” report shows that the Trump administration intends to have Hungary and Italy leave the European Union. German Chancellor Merz, however, was not surprised. When commenting on this official U.S. document on the 9th, he said that America’s national security strategy confirmed his judgment: “Europe, and Germany as well, must be more independent from the United States in terms of security policy.” He emphasized that Europeans must be prepared for the United States no longer being an alliance partner …
Looking at the “National Security Strategy” (NSS) reports released by three U.S. administrations from 2017 to 2025, the U.S.–Europe transatlantic relationship has undergone a dramatic shock from “transactional partners” to a “values alliance,” ultimately moving toward “strategic divergence” and a “civilizational rupture.” The 2025 version of the “National Security Strategy” report marks that the transatlantic alliance system after World War II is facing substantive disintegration, and U.S.–Europe relations have officially entered a “post-ally era.”
This trajectory of evolution is not a simple policy swing, but rather a structural reckoning by the United States of its global strategy against the backdrop of soaring costs of maintaining hegemony and intensifying domestic political polarization. From the initial appearance of cracks in 2017 to the civilizational rupture in 2025, every step points to the “irreversibility of divergence,” with its roots deeply embedded in the profound misalignment of power, interests, and values between the U.S. and Europe.
The Overall Picture of the Evolution of Transatlantic Relations
The U.S. “National Security Strategy” is not only a declaration of foreign policy, but also a reflection of its domestic political ecology and global strategic anxiety. From 2017 to 2025, transatlantic relations experienced a shift from a “boiling frog in warm water” style of transactionalization, to a brief “last gasp” during the Biden period, and finally to a “shock therapy”–style rupture in 2025.
This evolution reveals a cruel strategic reality: the traditional Western alliance system can no longer adapt to a multipolar world order and the internal political ecology of the United States. The U.S.–Europe rupture in 2025 is not an accidental “black swan” event, but the inevitable result of three intertwined logics—U.S. hegemonic contraction, U.S.–Europe cognitive misalignment, and the deconstruction of values. A rupture in capabilities forces the United States into strategic retrenchment; a rupture in threat perception leads the U.S. and Europe to move in opposite directions regarding their geopolitical focal points; and a rupture in values pushes former allies to the edge of a “clash of civilizations.” This process demonstrates that the estrangement of transatlantic relations is not a temporary tactical adjustment, but the inevitable end of a historical cycle.
- The Prelude to Divergence: Accumulation of Contradictions and Failure of Repair (2017–2024)
Before the final rupture in 2025, U.S.–Europe relations went through policy attempts by two administrations that were starkly different yet causally linked. Various signs in this stage indicate that the foundation of the alliance had long been eroded by “transactionalism,” and subsequent repair efforts failed to address the root cause.
1. The Initiation of Transactionalism: The First Appearance of Cracks (2017–2020)
The “National Security Strategy” report released in December 2017 was the starting point of divergence. It broke the post–Cold War U.S. consensus on the “liberal international order” and introduced naked realism into the sacred realm of alliance relations.
First, it established the “debt-based” positioning of allies. The Trump 1.0 administration regarded allies as projects to be evaluated on a balance sheet. This so-called “principled realism” was in fact “transactionalism without moral distinction.” The report harshly criticized NATO allies for failing to meet the target of 2% of GDP in defense spending. At the time, this was interpreted in Europe as a negotiating tactic, but later proved to be a signal that the U.S. strategic community’s tolerance for NATO “free-riding” had dropped to zero.
Second, it pioneered economic nationalism. The 2017 version of the “National Security Strategy” defined economic prosperity as a core pillar of national security and, for the first time, explicitly regarded trade deficits as a national security threat. This logic of “trade as war” made it difficult for the U.S. and Europe to form a united front in policy toward China. During this period, Europe was forced to adopt a “hedging” strategy, attempting to maintain a balance between China and the United States.
2. The Fragile “Last Gasp”: Failure of Repair (2021–2024)
After the Biden administration took office, it attempted to reverse its predecessor’s course through the 2022 version of the “National Security Strategy,” once again establishing Europe as a core partner in defending the “rules-based order.” However, the limitations exposed during the implementation of this report highlighted the structural irreversibility of the U.S. strategic retrenchment trend.
First, the hollowing out of alliance mechanisms. Although the Biden administration established the “U.S.–EU Trade and Technology Council” (TTC) in an attempt to coordinate technology policy toward China, as think tanks such as the Atlantic Council have pointed out, the U.S. side was never willing to establish a “democratic technology alliance” with treaty-binding force. The TTC ultimately remained only at the level of loose policy dialogue.
Second, the covert continuation of “America First.” The massive subsidies and local content requirements in the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) triggered strong warnings from Macron about a “split within the Western camp,” and Europe’s industrial circles even described it as “the murder of European industry.” This meant that even during the “ally” period, the United States was unwilling to make concessions to Europe on core economic interests. This kind of “false healing” failed to withstand the pressure of the resurgence of isolationism within the United States, laying the groundwork for the complete rupture in 2025.
- The Outbreak and Inevitability of the 2025 Divergence
The 2025 version of the “National Security Strategy” report released by the Trump 2.0 administration is not only a sudden policy shift, but also a “final reckoning” of the contradictions accumulated in the earlier period. It marks the elevation of U.S.–Europe relations from tactical divergences entangled in interests to a structural rupture at the level of geopolitics and civilizational cognition.
1. The Explicit Outbreak of Divergence: Deep Ruptures Across Four Dimensions
Strategic “Neglect and Retrenchment”:
Many media outlets have keenly noted that in this report of more than 30 pages, only two and a half pages are devoted to Europe. Leonardo Hutter, a researcher at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs in the United States, stated bluntly that this means the United States no longer regards Europe as part of its core interests: “Europe has become increasingly irrelevant to the United States.” The report clearly proposes prioritizing the Western Hemisphere, aiming to eliminate the influence of external forces in Latin America, marking a substantive retreat by the United States from “globalism” to “hemispherism.” The United States announced a substantial reduction in its permanent military presence in Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. The report states that “indiscriminate global intervention has hollowed out U.S. power,” and that the United States must refuse to continue acting as the “world’s police.”
Security “Undermining at the Root”:
On the NATO issue, the 2025 report adopts a strategy of “undermining at the root,” completely changing the nature of the alliance. The report not only requires Europe to share costs, but also demands that Europe take over defense responsibilities. It reiterates the startling consensus reached at the June 2025 Hague Summit: NATO member states committed to raising defense spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. Even though this target adopts a dual-track structure of “3.5% core defense + 1.5% civil defense infrastructure,” easing short-term fiscal pressure, it still maintains a high-pressure posture requiring allies to fully pay for their own security. The strategic intent behind setting such a high threshold is not truly to expect Europe to meet it, but to create a state in which allies are in “permanent default.” This provides the United States with a “legitimate” pretext, based on the principle of “transactional realism,” to adjust, scale back, or even refuse to implement Article Five at any time, effectively making NATO’s collective defense commitment conditional and hollow.
In addition, the report announces the suspension of all military assistance to Ukraine and unilaterally proposes a peace plan aimed at “rebuilding strategic stability with Russia.” This plan includes limiting Ukraine’s military capabilities and prohibiting its accession to NATO, and is widely regarded as sacrificing Ukraine’s sovereignty, effectively relegating Europe’s security agenda to a secondary position. From Vice President Vance’s blunt criticism of Europe at the Munich Security Conference at the beginning of the year, to the United States’ “over-the-head diplomacy” toward Europe on the Ukraine issue, all indicate that the United States no longer regards Europe as an equal partner requiring consultation, but rather as a strategic chess piece to be disposed of at will.
Economic “Designation as an Adversary”:
In the economic and trade domain, the 2025 report regards the European Union as a major competitor, and in some formulations even implies that it is more “exploitative” than geopolitical rivals. The report places “economic security” in an absolute priority position and plans to impose punitive “reciprocal tariffs” on EU goods in response to the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and digital services tax. The report even uses the highly confrontational term “Liberation Day tariffs,” implying that the United States needs to be “liberated” from Europe’s trade exploitation. In the high-tech field, the United States leverages its dominance in AI and quantum computing, using extraterritorial jurisdiction and standards monopolization to force European companies to become dependent on the United States within technological ecosystems. This logic of “you must rely on me, but I will exploit you” renders the TTC mechanism nominal in existence only, transforming it into a tool for U.S. pressure.
Ideological “Civilizational Defense”:
The most shocking and subversive part of the 2025 report is its abandonment of America’s customary “export of democracy,” turning instead to an isolationist “civilizational defense,” and directly launching attacks on Europe’s mainstream political values. The report puts forward the theory of “civilizational erosion,” claiming that due to open immigration policies, multiculturalism, and the “suppression” of freedom of speech (referring to EU regulation of social media), Europe faces the risks of “civilizational extinction” and “replacement.” This marks a rupture between official U.S. ideology and Europe’s liberal mainstream.
Furthermore, the report openly proposes that the United States will support “patriotic” parties within Europe (namely right-wing populist forces) to “correct Europe’s current trajectory” and resist the erosion of the foundations of Western civilization by multiculturalism. This means that the United States has shifted from being a supporter of European integration to an instigator of European fragmentation. Former Swedish Prime Minister Carl Bildt sharply pointed out that this effectively positions the United States as “the right wing of Europe’s far right.” Liana Fix, a researcher at the Council on Foreign Relations, believes that this way of viewing U.S.–Europe relations from a “civilizational” perspective marks “the end of transatlantic alliance relations based on liberal values.”
2. Proof of the Inevitability of Divergence: Three Structural Root Causes
From “transaction” in 2017, to “alliance” in 2022, and then to “divergence” in 2025, the evolution of the positioning of transatlantic relations in U.S. national security strategy reveals a cruel strategic reality: the traditional Western alliance system can no longer adapt to a multipolar world order and the internal political ecology of the United States. This evolution is not accidental, but the result of the combined effects of three major structural factors:
First is the rupture of power. The United States is no longer able to simultaneously maintain a global hegemonic system and the living standards of its domestic population, and must carry out strategic retrenchment. The idea of “denial strategy” has become mainstream—concentrating resources on the Indo-Pacific and abandoning Europe.
Second is the rupture of threat perception. The United States views China as an existential threat and Europe as a tool or even a burden; Europe views Russia as an existential threat and China as a systemic rival but also a necessary partner for cooperation. This misalignment of geopolitical interests is structural and cannot be bridged by diplomatic rhetoric.
Third is the rupture of values. With the institutionalization of right-wing populism in the United States, the U.S. and Europe have gradually drifted apart on core values such as democracy, human rights, climate change, and multilateralism. “Shared values” have become an empty shell, replaced by the projection of the theory of “civilizational conflict” within the Western world itself.
- Europe’s Passive Adaptation to the “Inevitable Divergence”
If German Chancellor Merkel’s speech in 2017 was a “warning” of the U.S.–Europe breakup, then the 2025 version of the U.S. “National Security Strategy” report is the “verdict.” Europe has no choice but to accept the reality that the United States has already “left.” Confronted with the “shock” brought by the 2025 report, Europe’s strategic community has gone through a process from shock and denial to forced action. The extremization of U.S. policy is pushing Europe to become a truly independent geopolitical pole.
1. Promoting the Hardening of Europe’s Political Stance
In a speech on December 8, European Council President Costa sent a clear signal. He stated that it is unacceptable for the United States to issue threats of interference in Europe’s internal politics, emphasizing that “allies do not threaten to interfere in the internal political lives of other allies.” Costa frankly admitted that differences in worldview between the United States and Europe are widening, that the United States no longer believes in multilateralism, and that Europe must “achieve sovereign autonomy” in response to the new U.S. strategy. Former President of the European Commission Prodi also called for the formulation of policies “to make its stance firmer,” even though the EU has not yet formed a systematic response. However, Europe’s voices are not unified. U.S. support for European right-wing forces has produced immediate effects, exacerbating fragmentation within Europe. Right-wing governments in countries such as Hungary and Italy have welcomed parts of the 2025 report, viewing them as endorsements of their own anti-immigration and anti–EU centralization policies. This has led to divisions within the EU on policies toward the United States and Russia, making it difficult to form a unified voice to counter U.S. pressure.
2. Accelerating the Process of “Strategic Autonomy” and Tactical Hedging
The introduction of the 2025 version of the “National Security Strategy” report and a series of moves by the Trump administration have made Europe’s desire to accelerate “strategic autonomy” even stronger. On the one hand, defense autonomy is speeding up. Faced with the threat of U.S. troop withdrawals, countries such as Germany and Poland have been forced to substantially increase defense budgets, trying to fill the conventional deterrence vacuum left by the United States; Germany plans to establish a new special defense fund, with the “turning point of the times” shifting from slogan to implementation, and is discussing with France the Europeanization of the nuclear umbrella; the United Kingdom has also clearly put forward “NATO first, but not NATO only,” and is seeking to establish a new strategic partnership with the European Union; as the only two nuclear powers in Europe, the United Kingdom and France have seen an unprecedented increase in urgency regarding defense cooperation, and the two countries are accelerating the advancement of an upgraded version of the “Lancaster House Treaties.” In short, Europe is enhancing its “autonomous capacity to act without the United States” by increasing defense capabilities and investing in strategic industries. On the other hand, the “red line” defense in technology and trade. Since the beginning of this year, the European Union has carried out a series of enforcement actions against U.S. technology companies based on the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. Analysts believe this is the EU’s direct response to U.S. tariff intervention, intended to “draw red lines” vis-à-vis the United States in the field of digital sovereignty. Europe is learning to play its hand with the United States more cleverly by gathering more bargaining chips.
*Wang Wanying – Assistant Research Fellow, Institute for Central and Eastern European Economic and Trade Cooperation Studies, Ningbo University; Lecturer, School of Foreign Languages, Ningbo University
*Ma Xiaolin – Specially Appointed Research Fellow, Institute for Central and Eastern European Economic and Trade Cooperation Studies, Ningbo University; Bao Yugang Chair Professor; Professor, Zhejiang International Studies University; Dean, Institute of Mediterranean Studies
Opinion
India’s space sector: A launchpad for global partnerships
Ambassador Gurjit Singh, former Indian Ambassador to Germany, Indonesia, Ethiopia, and the ASEAN and African Union missions

Growing competition in outer space provides India with a unique opportunity to shape a narrative in which collaboration, rather than confrontation, drives space exploration. Recognised as a trustworthy and cost-effective spacefaring nation, India is now well placed to transform its technological advances into enduring international partnerships that contribute to scientific progress, economic growth, and sustainable development.
India’s journey into space has been distinctive. Unlike many space programmes that emerged from Cold War rivalries, India’s programme was conceived as an instrument of national development. Dr. Vikram Sarabhai anchored India’s space vision in practical applications that would improve the lives of ordinary people. Under his leadership, satellites were developed to strengthen communications, weather forecasting, disaster management, healthcare, agriculture and education. This development-oriented philosophy remains central to India’s space programme and resonates strongly with the needs of countries in the Global South, which seek practical applications of space technology rather than prestige alone.
Today, India’s achievements extend beyond developmental applications. The Chandrayaan missions, the Mars Orbiter Mission, the Aditya-L1 solar observatory, and the forthcoming Gaganyaan human spaceflight programme have established India as a nation capable of executing sophisticated and reliable space missions. Chandrayaan-3’s successful soft landing near the Moon’s south pole placed India among an exclusive group of space powers while demonstrating that world-class innovation can be achieved at comparatively modest cost.
India’s growing credibility comes at a time when the global space economy is expanding rapidly. Valued at over US$600 billion today and projected to approach US$1.8 trillion by 2035, the sector is increasingly driven by commercial activity in satellite communications, Earth observation, navigation, climate services, broadband connectivity, and emerging fields such as in-orbit servicing and lunar exploration. Many countries aspire to participate but lack indigenous capabilities. They seek dependable long-term partners rather than merely launch providers.
India possesses the capabilities to meet these requirements. The liberalisation of the space sector in 2020 transformed the ecosystem by opening it to private participation. The establishment of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe), the expanding commercial role of NewSpace India Limited, and the growth of private enterprises have created one of the world’s most dynamic emerging space ecosystems. Indian startups are developing launch vehicles, satellite platforms, geospatial applications and propulsion technologies that are attracting global investment and customers. Companies such as Skyroot Aerospace, Pixxel and Agnikul Cosmos have demonstrated that Indian private enterprise can compete internationally in advanced space technologies.
The next step is to internationalise this ecosystem.
Rather than positioning itself only as a low-cost launch destination, India will offer comprehensive partnerships encompassing satellite design, launch services, mission operations, ground stations, astronaut training, capacity building and downstream applications in agriculture, disaster management and maritime security. Such integrated partnerships would be valuable for countries across the Global South and the Indo-Pacific seeking affordable, customised and reliable technologies to meet their development priorities.
India has demonstrated the diplomatic value of such cooperation. Through the South Asia Satellite, it provided communication and developmental benefits to neighbouring countries. Indian launch vehicles have successfully placed hundreds of foreign satellites into orbit for governments, universities and commercial operators around the world. India’s decision to join the Artemis Accords reflects its willingness to participate in the peaceful exploration of the Moon through international collaboration. Cooperation with NASA, the European Space Agency and JAXA has strengthened India’s scientific and technological capabilities.
These partnerships reinforce India’s standing as a leading voice of the Global South. India offers development partnerships based on affordability, reliability and mutual respect rather than creating technological dependence. Space cooperation has therefore become an increasingly important instrument of Indian diplomacy, strengthening bilateral relationships while delivering tangible developmental benefits.
To realise its full potential, India will aim to sustain the momentum of reform. Faster regulatory approvals, greater access to venture capital, stronger intellectual property protection, and closer collaboration among research institutions, industry and academia will be essential. Public procurement policies would continue supporting Indian startups, enabling them to scale up, innovate and integrate into global supply chains.
India is positioned to play a larger role in shaping the governance of outer space. Orbital congestion, space debris, responsible resource utilisation and equitable access to emerging space opportunities are becoming pressing international concerns. As space activities expand, there will be an increasing need for countries capable of building consensus on responsible norms and practices. India’s long-standing commitment to the peaceful uses of outer space, combined with its growing technological capabilities, equips it to contribute meaningfully to the development of rules that promote transparency, sustainability and equitable access.
The coming decade will determine not only which countries lead in space but also how space is governed. With its scientific capabilities, entrepreneurial ecosystem and international credibility, India is uniquely placed to bridge the gap between established and emerging space nations. By building collaborative partnerships founded on inclusivity, mutual benefit and innovation, India can transform its space programme into a major pillar of its global engagement.
In an increasingly divided world, India’s space sector offers a powerful reminder that the greatest achievements in space are those that bring nations together. That may well become India’s most enduring contribution to humanity’s next frontier.
Opinion
Great powers and the fierce rivalry in Africa
In tandem with the retreat of US imperialism and the erosion of its hegemonic capacity, the rivalry among the world’s great powers is intensifying across vast geographies and divergent fronts alike. From Africa to Central Asia, from electric vehicles to artificial intelligence, an acute contest is unfolding—most conspicuously between the United States and China.
History instructs us that wherever great power rivalry takes root, peace remains elusive. Stability cannot endure there. Wars, internal conflicts, coups d’état, and the mass migrations they inevitably trigger dominate the horizon. Nor do great powers desire the cultivation of participatory democracy, human rights, the rule of law, or class consciousness in these lands. Instead, they bolster dictatorships, authoritarian regimes, totalitarian systems, and repressive governance. The imperialist powers harbor no concern for the scarcity of water, drought, or famine in Africa. Their focus is solely fixed on exploitation, plunder, pillaging the resources of the nations upon which they descend, and capturing their domestic markets.
Africa holds singular importance in this context. It commands attention simultaneously by virtue of its sheer expanse, its demographic weight, and its subterranean wealth. In the rivalry across this ancient and impoverished continent, the United States and China lead the vanguard. Russia, too, makes notable maneuvers, though on a less extensive scale. Between the United States and China, the race is particularly fierce regarding the extraction, processing, and conveyance of subterranean resources to world markets.
Africa—endowed with abundant mineral wealth, a population approaching 1.5 billion, and critical strategic importance along global trade routes—whet the appetites of capitalist, advanced, industrialized, imperialist states as a vast, populous, and expanding market. Geopolitically as well, its position cannot be ignored. Africa’s wealth in rare earth elements, precious minerals such as diamonds and gold, and strategic minerals indispensable to advanced technologies—notably copper, cobalt, and lithium—is indisputable.
AFRICA CARRIES NO WEIGHT IN GLOBAL POLITICS
Unlike other continents such as Europe, Asia, or the Americas, Africa possesses no single country that commands prominence in global politics or the world economy. Nor does Africa host an alliance, international organization, or bloc of comparable global stature. In the Americas, there stands a superpower: the United States. In Asia, there are great powers: Russia and China, with India also ascending. In Europe, major, consequential powers endure: the United Kingdom, France, and Germany. Yet on the African continent, no such states exist. What exists in Africa is the rivalry of non-African great powers. Even the 55-member African Union, the institutional body of the continent’s nations, remains far from exerting any real influence—not only in global politics, but even across the African continent itself.
Over the past fifteen to twenty years, Africa has undergone substantial upheavals. Armed conflicts, civil wars, and violence have become pervasive. From Ethiopia to Somalia, Libya to Sudan, armed hostilities have claimed countless lives, destabilized governments, and provoked massive waves of displacement. Terrorist organizations have seized upon these conditions as an opportune opening, and the great powers, in turn, have instrumentalized these terror networks.
In Africa, former nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonial powers such as Britain and France indulge in reveries of bygone eras. They attempt to assert themselves, yet their efforts prove futile. Germany, as Europe’s leading economic, industrial, and technological powerhouse, takes a keen interest in Africa; yet despite this attention, its institutional knowledge and historical experience regarding the continent pale in comparison to those of the British and French. Italy strives to act, but lacks the requisite capacity. The Netherlands and Belgium, once deeply entrenched in Africa, are far removed from their imperial past. Spain and Portugal assert no claim to global primacy. All of these nations languish, to borrow Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar’s phrase, in “a vague longing for a bygone past.”
China, well aware of Africa’s significance, is investing heavily across the continent. It stands as Africa’s largest trading partner and the primary destination for the continent’s exports. In the provision of loans, credit facilities, and grants to African states, it has outpaced Western institutions. China’s investment and foreign aid capacity, economic leverage, and extensive commercial ties naturally consolidate its political and diplomatic influence across Africa, elevating its visibility and prestige. Under the auspices of the Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing continues to finance large-scale infrastructure investments as well as major communications and transport projects.
THE FEROCITY AND DIMENSIONS OF THE RIVALRY
It is, of course, impossible for Russia to mount massive economic investments, conduct extensive aid operations, or sustain the volume of trade in Africa that China commands. Consequently, it seeks to distinguish itself by guaranteeing the security of local leaders, corporate enterprises, and ruling elites, relying predominantly on private military companies (the operations of the Wagner Group being a case in point). Russia has deployed mercenaries to Mali and the Central African Republic.
The United States, for its part, endeavors to counter China’s expanding influence, economic footprint, visibility, and public diplomacy initiatives in Africa, while simultaneously laboring to reinforce its own economic and political ties with African states. One need only recall that the United States, having intervened in Libya in 2011 through NATO, has directly struck ISIS targets in Somalia. The strategic depth of Washington’s relationship with Cairo is likewise well known.
The United States, China, and Russia also stand out prominently in arms sales to African nations. As the great power rivalry on the continent grows ever sharper, the spectrum of contestation widens accordingly. Cultural rivalry is superimposed upon economic, political, and military dimensions. Because every great power seeking to expand its sphere of influence and reach is determined to block the advance of its competitors, Africa serves both as the stage for and the witness to this unsparing contest. Some experts explain this rivalry through the lens of a new strain of colonialism; others account for it by pointing to the inherent nature, complexity, and multifaceted character of competition between imperialist metropoles.
Opinion
The women who refuse to be erased: On Japan’s surrender anniversary, the fight over wartime sexual slavery continues
BUSAN, South Korea — On the day Japan marks the 81st anniversary of its surrender in World War Two, a conference room in Busan’s city council building has become the latest front in a battle over memory.
Allan Wilson, Journalist
Last month, on 23 July, academics, activists and lawmakers gathered here for a symposium on one of the war’s most painful legacies: the estimated tens of thousands of women — euphemistically labelled “comfort women” — forced into sexual slavery by the Imperial Japanese Army. The event was co-hosted by the Carter Human Rights Center’s Asia division and the Korean Women’s Forum.
“The records of the Japanese military’s comfort women are historical assets that the international community must preserve together,” Nam Myung-sook, the Busan city councillor who co-organised the symposium, told the gathering. “Social consensus must be broadened.”
Her words were aimed at more than the audience in the room.
For three decades, survivors and their advocates have pressed Japan for a full and unequivocal accounting. They have met a familiar pattern: moments of apparent progress — the 1993 Kono statement acknowledging military involvement, the 2015 bilateral agreement with South Korea — followed by retreat. Japanese officials continue to dispute the term “sexual slavery.” Textbooks soften the language. Senior politicians visit Yasukuni Shrine, where convicted war criminals are honoured alongside the dead.
The symposium came as UNESCO’s World Heritage Committee convened in Busan, and the timing was deliberate. One of the gathering’s stated goals was to revive the push to have comfort women records inscribed on UNESCO’s Memory of the World register — an effort Japan has repeatedly blocked.
“Our aim is to reaffirm the historical facts of comfort women (受害) to the international community and explore directions that contribute to peace and human rights,” said Yu Ying-mo, senior adviser to the Carter Human Rights Center’s Asia region, in remarks prepared for the event.
A statue, a warning
The symposium also addressed an incident that has become a diplomatic flashpoint: the recent removal of a comfort women memorial statue in Taiwan.
The statue, one of dozens erected across East Asia and beyond, was taken down in recent months. Organisers in Busan described the removal as “an erroneous approach that erases historical wounds and weakens collective memory,” according to the symposium’s programme.
For advocates, the Taiwan case illustrates what happens when political pressure is allowed to dictate historical memory. “Statues, memorial halls, and archives related to comfort women are important spaces of memory that testify to the victims’ suffering and history,” the Carter Human Rights Center said in its written address. “They must be respected.”
Dozens of comfort women memorials now stand in cities from Seoul to San Francisco to Berlin. Each has become a site of diplomatic friction: Japan’s government has consistently objected to them, arguing they perpetuate what it calls an inaccurate narrative.
The shrinking window
Time is running out. Of the few hundred women who came forward in the 1990s, the number of surviving registered victims in South Korea has dwindled to single digits.
This demographic reality has injected new urgency into the preservation effort. Shim Ok-ju, a research professor at George Mason University Korea, told the symposium that the focus must now shift from oral testimony — soon to be lost — to documentation and education.
Seo Kyung-soon, a professor at Pukyong National University, presented findings from the so-called “Gwanbu Trial” records — a series of postwar legal proceedings in which comfort women sought compensation through Japanese courts. The documents, she argued, contain incontrovertible evidence of state orchestration.
A designated discussant panel followed, bringing together Kim Tae-wan, a political science professor at Dong-eui University; Kim Kyung-hee, an independent researcher; and Ahn Jun-young, a journalist from the Busan Ilbo newspaper. The format was designed to bridge academia and public consciousness — to test whether scholarly findings could survive the scrutiny of working journalists and political scientists.
The international dimension
The comfort women issue has never been purely bilateral. In 1996, the UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women concluded that the system constituted “military sexual slavery.” In 2022, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women urged Japan to “ensure that the issue is accurately reflected in school curricula.”
Yet the gap between international consensus and Japanese government policy remains wide. Prime ministerial statements offer “apologies and remorse” but stop short of accepting legal responsibility. Reparations have come from private funds, not the state.
For organisers of the Busan symposium, the path forward runs through multilateral institutions. UNESCO recognition, they argue, would make historical revisionism harder to sustain. But Japan has made clear it will oppose any such move, as it did when Chinese documents related to the 1937 Nanjing Massacre were inscribed in 2015.
“Facing history squarely and respecting it is a fundamental value that the international community should share,” the symposium’s organisers concluded.
This 15 August, as Japan observes its National Memorial Service for the War Dead, the women who survived — and those who did not — will be remembered in rooms like the one in Busan. Their numbers are dwindling. The question is whether their story will outlast them.
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