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God’s most powerful country – once again and forever!

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Werner Rügemer, writer and lecturer

In his National Security Strategy, US President Donald Trump calls for intervention by the “God-given nation” on all continents. He is (still) holding back against Russia and China, but vassals such as those in Europe are to bleed even more than they already do.

“Make America Great Again”: Trump has now summarized his campaign slogan in a comprehensive strategy. He presents himself as a peacemaker. But “peace” as in the Middle East is primarily a pretext for new investments. With his younger, more aggressive capital faction, which still has little global presence, he is looking for gaps in the globalization process to date. The major conflicts are being saved for later.1

Principles for renewed world leadership

“America, with its God-given natural rights… remains the greatest and most successful nation in human history and the home of peace on earth,” Trump’s memorandum begins. Following the mistakes of Democratic Party administrations—Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, Joe Biden—the US’s leadership position should not only be restored. Rather, in order to “make our country even greater than it has ever been,” Trump sets out the following guidelines:

  • Military:

“To protect our national interests, we want the most powerful, lethal, and technologically advanced military in the world. We want to recruit, train, equip, and deploy it to prevent wars or, if necessary, win them quickly and decisively, with as few casualties as possible for our own forces.”

  • Economy:

“We want the strongest, most dynamic, most innovative, most advanced economy in the world, the cornerstone of our global leadership and necessary for our military, with the most robust industrial base, including for military production.”

  • Energy:

“We want the most robust, productive, and innovative energy sector in the world, not only for American economic growth, but also as one of our leading export industries.”

  • Soft power:

“We want to maintain the United States as a unique ‘soft power’ with which we can exert our influence throughout the world in our national interest. Long-term national security is only possible with spiritual and cultural health, i.e., with religion, patriotism, family… To this end, we want to honor our glorious deeds and heroes and look forward to a new golden age.”

Modernization of the Monroe Doctrine

Trump refers to the Monroe Doctrine: He is updating it for the present.

In 1823, the US Congress adopted the “Monroe Doctrine,” named after then-President James Monroe. He was one of the founding fathers of the United States. The doctrine establishes the “prohibition of intervention by foreign powers”: The US, founded with 13 states on the east coast of North America and now expanded to 24 states, must not be hindered by other states in its further military, economic, and political expansion on North American territory towards the east coast, according to the doctrine! This was directed primarily against the European colonial powers of England and France.

“National interest” as understood by the US and according to the Monroe Doctrine therefore means that the US may expand beyond its existing territory by any means necessary, including military assistance. If other states attempt to prevent the US from doing so, war may be waged against them.

This also included the right to expropriate, expel, and, if necessary, kill the inhabitants of conquered territories, i.e., genocide: this was initiated in the wake of the Monroe Doctrine in 1830 by the Indian Removal Act.

It also included the right to wage war, for example against the state of Mexico, to take territories from it, to form new US states such as New Mexico, California, Utah, and Nevada, and to reintroduce slavery there, which had been abolished in Mexico.2

In summary: “National” security for the US means access not only to the US state, but to the entire world, in principle to all other states, and with practices that apply in the US itself.

The Department of Defense is once again called the War Department

Trump himself refers specifically to two important 19th-century US politicians who represent these structural US practices:

  • Alexander Hamilton; he was one of the founding fathers of the US. He was the first Secretary of the Treasury, founded the first US bank, increased the national debt, and imposed tariffs on imports.
  • William McKinley; this US president waged war against the colonial power Spain at the end of the 19th century; in accordance with the Monroe Doctrine, the US expanded to include the Philippines (US protectorate until 1945), Puerto Rico, and Guam (annexed by the US to this day), secured access to Cuba, occupied the island of Hawaii, and later made it another state.

Thus, since its inception, the US has been the only major country without a foreign ministry, but rather a state ministry: the “national interest” of the US government refers to every area of the world defined by the US itself.

For this reason, the US has also never had a Department of Defense since its founding, but rather a Department of War: it was only renamed the Department of Defense in 1947 as a euphemism for the wars and regime changes waged after World War II. But with the updated Monroe Doctrine, the Trump administration has renamed the department back to the Department of War, as it was in Monroe’s time and for most of its history.

The younger, more aggressive capitalist faction, with Trump as its political leader, is therefore not doing anything fundamentally new, but is simply expressing the traditional US practice more openly, returning to its roots and to the practices that have been in place for the longest time anyway.

That is why Trump’s National Security Strategy states that the “Cold War” is finally over. That is also why, for example, “development aid” is coming to an end: now it’s time to invest! That is also why the euphemistic babble of ‘defense’ is coming to an end: now it’s time for war again!

However, the “great war” is being scaled back for the time being. In the coming years, the vassals in Europe and Asia are to arm themselves, rearm themselves, and buy US military equipment to counter the most important adversaries, Russia and China. They are to be built up as US proxy warriors, as Ukraine and Israel have already been.

Penetration of the “Western Hemisphere”

“What do we want in and from the world?” Trump’s National Security Strategy continues. The answers are structured according to the most important US spheres of influence in the world and their order of importance.

First and foremost is the “Western Hemisphere.” These are the “rich countries,” traditionally known as the “West,” which has been led by the US since the end of World War II: militarily, but also with the presence of banks, corporations, foundations, consultants, agencies, and, last but not least, secret services.

These allies or vassals are supposed to support the US in the fight against “mass migration, drug terrorists, and other criminal organizations.” These are the directly right-wing narratives that also apply to the Trump administration in the US. In reality, however, the main issue is this: the “Western Hemisphere” should remain free from “enemy forces” gaining access to important property. And the US allies are to protect important supply chains and “secure permanent access to key strategic positions” for the US. On this basis, the US should be able to expand its multifaceted, comprehensive leadership position. The “hostile forces” are primarily China, which, however, is treated with caution and not mentioned by name out of pragmatic insight.

Trump has already shown his support for nationalist, reactionary, even fascist forces in his racist, nationalist, right-wing extremist group around Ukrainian President Zelensky, as well as in his fundamental support for the government of his most important political friend of three decades, his “Bibi” Netanyahu in Israel.

Merz & Co. submit to the most powerful right-wing extremist in the world

In Germany, Trump has lured the AfD, okay. Our broken mainstream media are getting upset about that. But Trump has long been pursuing his right-wing extremist realpolitik with Europe’s leading politicians, including Friedrich Merz/Germany, Macron/France, Starmer/England, Tusk/Poland, and Kaja Kallas and Ursula von der Leyen/EU:

  • Doubling the defense budgets of European NATO members to five percent of GDP, with the help of extreme government debt and social cuts
  • Deindustrialization with the relocation of parts of companies to the US, with high subsidies and low energy prices there
  • Agreement to tariffs on cars, steel, and aluminum from Europe
  • Even more purchases of US military equipment and expensive and extremely environmentally harmful US fracking gas
  • Digitization of EU countries by large US digital corporations, which also pass on their data to US authorities and pay virtually no taxes in EU countries.

Submission to Trump’s Israel policy

And last but not least: strong support for the genocide and the policy of expropriation and expulsion of the racist, nationalist, fascist US proxy warrior Israel, and now also support for the fake Gaza “peace plan,” under which the expulsion, starvation, and killing of Palestinians continues, in Gaza and increasingly in the West Bank.

Europe: Not involved in Ukraine negotiations

The European US vassals are complaining that Trump is not involving them in the ceasefire negotiations with Ukraine. But that is the situation: the US has been preparing and financing this war for three decades, organized the definitive regime change in 2014, and has been waging the war ever since.

And the vassals who are now complaining agreed to this and have increasingly helped according to US specifications. The US, with British help, trained the military, supplied most of the weapons, and also decided which missiles would be supplied and which would not. And the US is also conducting Ukraine’s war operationally via US missiles in space, US intelligence agencies, and the Military Command in Wiesbaden.

Never heard of it, Mr. Merz?

The Asian vassals are also being used

Trump’s National Security Strategy puts the Indo-Pacific in second place: “The Indo-Pacific, with its central sea lanes, must be kept open and free” against “foreign actors who damage the American economy.” “Reliable supply chains” must be guaranteed, as must “access to critical materials.” To put it mildly, this is directed against China and linked to armament and investment by US allies in Asia.

The Trump administration is forcing Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the Philippines to increase their military budgets and invest in the US. These are the countries of the “first island chain” closest to China. Like the European NATO countries, they are to increase their military spending to five percent of GDP. They themselves are suffering from economic decline, as is Germany in particular in Europe, but are also expected to invest even more in the US. And they are to accept even more US military personnel, either directly or as advisors.

This also applies in a different way to Australia. Incidentally, the “German” arms manufacturer, whose leading shareholders now come from the US and which now operates most of its branches in the US, is building a new branch there for the construction of tanks adapted to local conditions.

Middle East: Greater Israel with Arab states

The National Security Strategy states in its third point on the Middle East: “We want to prevent an adversary from invading the Middle East, gaining access to its oil and gas reserves, and blocking the chokepoints of the sea lanes.”

This includes the transformation of the Middle East by Israel, which also expanded its existing occupation zone in Syria during the Gaza war and operates half a dozen military bases. Israel bombs Syria and Lebanon with or without US approval, and bombed Iran, which the US government escalated with Operation Midnight Hammer.

The Gaza “ceasefire agreement” orchestrated by Trump does not even bring about a ceasefire, has actually expanded Israel’s military occupation of Gaza, and does not recognize any Palestinian representation.

With the help of the Abraham Accords, Trump has gradually reconciled Gulf and other Arab and Muslim states with Israel (somehow) since his first term in office and ended support for the Palestinians. Continuing and completing what Democratic administrations in the US, with EU support, have been preparing for decades: Israel now exercises (proxy) “imperial power” in the Middle East after the Gaza war: Even the leading US media outlet, the New York Times, notes this: “‘Imperial Israel’ in the New Middle East”: “Israel’s reach extends almost everywhere, as it constantly bombs regional enemies.3

With the help of the US proxy warrior, the expanded Middle East is to be opened up as a new investment area: not only the Gaza Strip initially, but also the West Bank. Above all, however, the leading US digital, defense, energy, and tourism companies are active in the Gulf states. They have to say goodbye to oil and gas anyway, but are also investing hundreds of billions of dollars in the US. The US government agreed with the Prince of Saudi Arabia that his sovereign wealth funds would invest at least one trillion (in the US: “trillion”) dollars in the US, including in defense.4

From December 8 to 10, 2025, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) organized what it called “the world’s largest media event” at the palace of the oil company Adnoc, with 60,000 participants from 132 countries, including media representatives, PR agencies, and companies in the fields of digital media, gaming, music, and marketing, “to transform journalism” – certainly an urgent desire of Trump’s, and not only his.5

Global South: US even more aggressive

Trump’s memorandum states: “America and its allies have not yet developed a common plan for the so-called Global South, including with regard to its vast resources.” . It goes on to say that although Europe, Japan, South Korea, and others have invested seven trillion dollars there, and “multinational banks” have loans there, the US in particular has hardly any presence, and China has long since made inroads.

Traditionally, Latin America’s “backyard” is actually closest to the US empire. But according to Trump, the digital corporations promoted primarily by the Democratic Party and its governments have criminally neglected it in their globalization efforts. He now wants to make up for this as quickly as possible, selectively and uncertainly. The strategy statement does not provide any further details.

Panama Canal

Trump’s wish was relatively easy to fulfill: We want Panama back, it belonged to us for over 100 years! The first step was made possible by BlackRock, now the largest US investor. Although he was closely associated with the US administrations of Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden, and became big thanks to them, he quickly declared his support for Trump. BlackRock bought the two ports of the Panama Canal in early 2025, meaning that the fees end up in the US and the US controls passage through the canal.

Argentina: Billions in aid for chainsaw politicians

As in Europe and around the world, Trump seeks out nationalist, right-wing extremist, even fascist media, partners, and parties. For example, he promoted Elon Musk imitator and chainsaw neoliberal Javier Milei in Argentina: although the country is one of the most indebted countries after Ukraine, it received $20 billion in extra aid from the Trump administration that it would not have received from any bank.6

Venezuela: Military regime change

Venezuela’s development into a postcolonial, sovereign state, especially since President Hugo Chavez, has been opposed by all US administrations, with the help of NGOs in Venezuela as well as external sanctions, including the US-funded alternative president Guaido, who ultimately failed. Trump wants to depose the current president, Nicolas Maduro, and has offered a $50 million reward for his arrest.7 Conspiracy-practical pretext: Maduro is the drug lord of South America and thus threatens the “national security” of the US.

The US military has now sunk several ships and killed hundreds of people, including survivors of such attacks. In the annexed US territory of Puerto Rico, Trump has revived the military base and stationed thousands of soldiers there. The US secret services are involved. A military strike will be carried out as soon as it is considered promising.

The fact that the drug conspiracy is only a pretext is also confirmed in public: Trump has pardoned Juan Orlando Hernandez. The former president of Honduras was abducted to the US and sentenced to 45 years in prison for drug trafficking. Now, after four years, he is a free man again—and a hoped-for accomplice of Trump in Latin America.8

Africa and peripheral regions

The Trump administration is also looking for further gaps in the current globalization process, in “peripheral regions” on all continents. Everywhere, the aim is to push back China. The exact measures are not mentioned at all in the strategy concept, especially here.

In Africa, the initial focus is on rare earths and other “critical minerals,” which are needed even more than before for the AI hype that has been greatly accelerated by Trump’s capitalists. The rising US proxy warrior, the United Arab Emirates—home to the Gulf Air Warfare Center, a US military base central to the Gulf region—is therefore supporting the terrorist paramilitary organization Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan.9

As in the well-known case of the Gaza “peace agreement,” Trump has developed a method of bringing together conflicting parties at short notice, proclaiming ‘peace’ or “ceasefire,” and thereby securing long-term investments for US companies in his circle—even if the conflicts continue. This applies, for example, to Armenia and Azerbaijan, where Trump has secured the long-term operation of the Sangesur Corridor. The same applies to the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, India and Pakistan, Thailand and Cambodia, Egypt and Ethiopia, and Serbia and Kosovo.10

The limits of Trump’s national global strategy

The vast majority of investors, entrepreneurs, speculators, and real estate sharks in Trump’s circle, many of whom are also represented in the government, have so far had little global presence. Elon Musk, who was briefly involved in the government, was an exception. Trump and his son-in-law Jared Kushner do have golf courses in Scotland and the Gulf states, as well as real estate in Israeli settlements in the West Bank. But they also want to catch up globally with large corporate investments. That is why they are looking for gaps, and that is why they are more aggressive.

But they are misjudging the situation, not in all cases, but in principle. Trump’s model of the unhindered rise of a great power in the 19th century, the direct combination of military, expropriation, investment, and regime changes in Latin America and then also in Asia’s backyard—that is nostalgia.

Sure, the UN, historically humanity’s greatest achievement for international order, has become increasingly helpless in all major wars and conflicts – but yes, above all because of the co-founder, the US itself. From the beginning, the US has increasingly waged its wars and regime changes alongside and also against the UN, with “coalitions of the willing” convened for each, or even without them. Trump was able to make fun of this so ostensibly during his appearance before the UN in September 2025 that even the otherwise Trump-obedient German mainstream media recognized the fakes.11

However, the “rest of the world,” which Trump mentioned in passing in his memorandum, has been gradually organizing itself for about three decades, even alongside the UN. The fact that the US did not succeed with the corrupt first head of government of post-socialist Russia, Boris Yeltsin, but is now confronted with an increasingly sovereign, important, and globally networked state under Putin’s successor government was one of the beginnings of the end of US hegemony. This was to be overturned with the US proxy warrior Ukraine – but even the Trump team now has to admit that this has not succeeded, and is trying to extract a few advantages from it at the expense of its European “friends.”

Above all, the non-military, economic, cooperative, rapidly expanding and deepening multipolarity with the formats BRICS, CELAC (Latin America), FOCAC (Africa), SCO (Asia), and EEF (East Asia) practice an alternative structure that the US can no longer counter – which makes it all the more dangerous.12


1 National Security Strategy of the United States of America, Washington, The White House, November 2025

2 For more details on the following, see Werner Rügemer: Verhängnisvolle Freundschaft (Fateful Friendship), 4th updated edition, Cologne 2024, pp. 12–89

3 ‘Imperial Israel’ in the New Middle East, New York Times November 28, 2025

4 Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Solidifies Economic and Defense Partnership with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, The White House November 18, 2025

5 Bridge Summit Looks to Become the Largest Cross-Sector Media Event in the World, New York Times, November 28, 2025

6 Trump supports Milei with $20 billion, www.amerika21.de October 14, 2025

7 US doubles reward for Maduro’s arrest, tagesschau.de August 8, 2025

8 Pardon by Trump – Honduras’ former president released from prison, Der Spiegel December 2, 2025

9 Why is the UAE involved in Sudan’s bloody war? https://www.middleeasteye.net November 4, 2025

10 How many wars has President Trump really ended? bbc.com/news October 15, 2025

11 Trump at the UN General Assembly. A speech full of false claims, https://wwwtagesschau.de September 24, 2025

12 Werner Rügemer: Trump’s “America First” – A Change in US Strategy, World Marxist Review 2/2025, https://dx.doi.org/10.62834/8j5fth62

Dr. Werner Rügemer, Köln/Germany, interventionist philosopher, Member of the Council of World Association for Political Economy; member of the editorial board of World Marxist Review.  www.werner-ruegemer.de

Opinion

Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia

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Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.

An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.

The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.

Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.

Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.

The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.

Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.

The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.

Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.

In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.

Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.

Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:

  1. Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
  2. Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
  3. Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
  4. Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.

The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.

Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).

Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.

Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.

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Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?

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Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt

For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.

In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored

The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.

Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.

At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.

Why Egypt?

Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.

This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.

According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.

This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.

Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios

At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.

The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.

This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.

A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies

This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.

Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”

Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.

A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.

The Messages Behind the Attack

Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.

For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.

For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.

Egypt’s Official Response

The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.

The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”

Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.

President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.

This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.

Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.

The Impact on Global Energy Markets

The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.

Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.

The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.

What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?

First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.

Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.

Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.

Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.

Conclusion

The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.

References:

1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro

2- https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/egypt-confirms-drone-caused-fire-two-gas-vessels-damietta-2026-07-30/

3- https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/drone-hits-gas-storage-tanker-egypts-mediterranean-port-2026-07-29/

4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html

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Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism

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Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.

The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.

Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…

The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.

Why?

Because of this:

Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.

According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.

Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.

In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.

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