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Will Trump win his round in Venezuela?

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Ahmed Moustafa, Director and Founder of Asia Center for Studies & Translation Egypt

Intro

Predicting the outcome of a complex geopolitical situation is difficult, but the current “round” in Venezuela—as of late 2025—is characterized by a significant escalation in U.S. pressure. The administration has recently launched a “Maximum Pressure 2.0” campaign, which is currently at a fever pitch:

Naval Blockade: On December 16, 2025, President Trump announced a “total and complete blockade” of all sanctioned oil tankers entering or leaving Venezuela. He described Venezuela as “completely surrounded” by a massive U.S. naval armada.

Military Engagement: The U.S. has conducted more than 20 strikes on vessels in the Caribbean and Pacific that it alleges are linked to drug trafficking. These actions have resulted in dozens of casualties and sparked intense international debate over the legality of these “intercepts.”

Asset Reclamation: Trump has explicitly demanded that Venezuela return oil and land assets “stolen” from U.S. companies (referring to the nationalization of the oil industry under Hugo Chávez).

Terrorist Designation: The administration has designated the Maduro government as a “Foreign Terrorist Organization” (FTO) and labeled specific gangs like Tren de Aragua as narco-terrorist threats.

Strengths for the U.S.

Economic Leverage: A successful blockade could cripple the Maduro government’s primary source of revenue (oil), potentially leading to internal collapse.

Domestic Support: Trump’s base largely supports a “hard-line” approach to curb migration and drug flows.

Military Superiority: The presence of a massive armada makes it physically difficult for Venezuela to export oil without U.S. interference.

However, challenges for the U.S.

Geopolitical Support: Russia and China remain allies of Maduro. Russia recently pledged continued support, and the UN has expressed concern over “international piracy.”

Regional Stability: Leaders like Brazil’s Lula and Mexico’s Sheinbaum are calling for mediation, fearing a “Vietnam-style” quagmire in South America.

Refugee Crisis: Further destabilizing the Venezuelan economy may actually increase the flow of migrants to the U.S. border, contradicting other administration goals.

To delve deeper into this analytical report, we will analyze several factors as follows:-

Western democracy is flawed and differentiates between bad and worse

A persuasive critique of contemporary Western democracy posits that its foundational principle has been fundamentally corrupted, devolving into a system where citizens are often constrained to selecting the lesser of two perceived evils. This degeneration stems from an over-reliance on the ballot box as the sole arbiter of democratic legitimacy, a mechanism that prioritizes the mere act of voting over the critical evaluation of candidate competence, integrity, and policy expertise. The selection process itself is profoundly compromised, as party nominations are frequently determined not by meritocratic assessment but by the insidious influences of political factionalism, religious dogma, and ethnic tribalism. This creates a candidate pool often devoid of the most qualified individuals, instead favoring those who best navigate the intricate webs of internal party politics and identity-based mobilization.

This systemic failure is exacerbated by the significant and often clandestine interference of powerful financial lobbies and oligarchic interests. These entities exploit a permissive regulatory environment to exert undue influence on the political process, shaping legislation and policy to serve narrow, private ends rather than the public good. The resultant “revolving door” phenomenon—where individuals seamlessly transition between roles as industry regulators and lobbyists for the sectors they once oversaw—has created a regulatory capture that paralyzes Western parliaments and core institutions. This symbiosis between capital and power ensures that economic and governance structures are engineered for rent-seeking and the preservation of entrenched privilege, effectively nullifying the democratic will and creating a governance deficit.

Consequently, these structurally embedded vulnerabilities have rendered Western democracies ill-equipped to address existential challenges, most notably the protracted economic malaise that commenced with the 2007-2008 financial crisis. The inadequate policy responses, often prioritizing bank bailouts and austerity over Main Street recovery, coupled with the massive diversion of public funds into perpetual military engagements (extending far beyond the oft-cited Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns), have exacerbated inequality and eroded public trust. The manifest inability of the system to foster renewal is perhaps most symbolically captured in the advanced age and perceived limitations of its standard-bearers, as evidenced by the 2016 and 2024 U.S. presidential contests (Trump, Biden and then Trump one more time). This gerontocratic entrenchment is not merely a demographic curiosity but a potent symptom of a deeper institutional stagnation, where the pathways for genuine renewal and competent leadership are effectively blocked by the very mechanisms that define the modern democratic process.

Trump represents the true image of Zionist oligarchic pragmatism in the West because he is part of it

Donald Trump’s presidency represents a profound paradox and a critical case study in the erosion of democratic norms, characterized by an overt alignment with expansionist Zionist policies and a transactional approach to governance that leveraged the power of a media and technology oligarchy. His administration cultivated a symbiotic relationship with figures like Elon Musk, securing vital support by initially projecting a facade of gender-neutral morality that ultimately alienated religious and minority groups. This coalition enabled a domestic and foreign policy agenda that was both ideologically driven and ruthlessly pragmatic. Nowhere was this more evident than in the Middle East, where his administration, despite electoral support from some Muslim and Arab-American communities, acted as a primary enabler of the Netanyahu government. His policies, including the move of the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem and the brokering of the Abraham Accords that sidelined Palestinian aspirations, effectively greenlit the subsequent escalation of violence and the devastating bloodbath in Gaza, betraying those who sought a just resolution to the enduring conflict.

On the global stage, Trump’s doctrine was defined by an abrasive unilateralism and a blatant disregard for international law, seeking to advance U.S. economic interests through coercive measures rather than diplomacy. He antagonized longstanding allies with punitive tariffs, manipulated volatile immigration issues critical to the U.S. labor market, and openly pursued the annexationist fantasy of acquiring territories like Greenland. This revisionist approach culminated in a direct assault on Venezuelan sovereignty, where his administration attempted an illegitimate coup against the elected government of Nicolás Maduro. This maneuver was a transparent effort to install a puppet regime and plunder the world’s largest proven oil reserves, a strategic pivot after failed provocations against Iran and Russia, motivated by a desire to control energy prices and avert domestic economic fallout from soaring gasoline costs, which threatened to exceed $7 per gallon.

The economic foundation upon which these aggressive policies were built was, however, inherently unstable and masked significant fiscal peril. Behind a media-obscured facade of growth, the administration presided over an alarming acceleration of the national debt, which according to Bank of America, grew at a rate of one trillion dollars every 100 days, pushing the total internal debt beyond $40 trillion. This precariousness was exacerbated by self-destructive immigration policies, including the imposition of exorbitant visa fees reaching $150,000 on companies employing foreign workers. This short-sighted action catalyzed a flight of both American and foreign businessmen and skilled labor, further straining an economy profoundly dependent on their contribution. Thus, Trump’s legacy is not merely one of ideological thuggery but of a calculated destabilization of both international order and domestic economic security for the benefit of a narrow oligarchic and ideological elite.

Where did Trump get his enormous wealth and the role of shadow trading in it?

While Donald Trump’s wealth is frequently attributed to his real estate empire and branding ventures, a more critical analysis suggests the origins may be far more complex and ethically fraught. Allegations that have surfaced from various legal proceedings and investigative reports, including those connected to the late financier Jeffrey Epstein, posit that a portion of this capital could be linked to illicit networks. These networks purportedly involved prostitution rings and the facilitation of access to underage girls for global elites, activities which, if substantiated, would represent a significant and clandestine revenue stream operating parallel to his legitimate businesses. This perspective challenges the canonical narrative of self-made success, proposing instead that his fortune may be partially built upon the exploitation inherent in human trafficking.

Further scrutiny extends to the international drug trade, a shadow economy estimated by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime to generate annual global revenues ranging from $400 to $650 billion. The assertion that Venezuela is a primary source of U.S. narcotics is a widely debunked political claim not supported by DEA intelligence, which consistently identifies Mexican cartels as the dominant force. However, the scale of this illicit market invites examination of any individual with the logistical capacity and connections to engage in it. Unverified claims from certain sources have attempted to implicate Trump in such activities, suggesting potential complicity or personal involvement. These assertions, while serious, remain within the realm of allegation rather than established legal fact, yet they persist as a component of the critical discourse questioning the integrity of his wealth accumulation.

The personal history of his wife, Melania Trump, a Slovenian immigrant and former model whose work included nude photography, is often cited within this analytical framework not as a condemnation of her profession, but as potential circumstantial evidence of his immersion in a milieu where human commodification is normalized. When synthesized, these threads—the association with figures like Epstein, the persistent allegations of involvement in drug and sex trafficking, and the operation within industries blurring the lines between legal and illegal—form a persuasive argument for many researchers. This argument posits that a comprehensive understanding of Trump’s wealth must acknowledge the potential confluence of legitimate enterprise and illicit, shadow economies that thrive on exploitation.

How can Donald Trump and America be confronted and punished in practical, new, and unconventional ways?

Donald Trump’s unilateral imposition of an air and sea embargo on Venezuela—without congressional approval—constitutes a clear violation of both international law and the U.S. Constitution. The blockade, which has exacerbated Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis, contravenes the UN Charter’s prohibition on coercive economic measures that harm civilian populations (Article 2(4)). Legally, Trump’s circumvention of Congress also violates the War Powers Resolution and the separation of powers doctrine. Given the U.S.’s historical impunity for such actions, traditional judicial mechanisms (e.g., the ICC, where the U.S. is not a member) are unlikely to hold him accountable. Thus, unconventional strategies must be explored, such as multilateral economic sanctions against Trump and his administration by Global South nations, targeted asset foreclosures, and diplomatic isolation under the principle of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity.

The Global South, led by geopolitical heavyweights China and Russia, holds significant leverage to impose consequences. Both nations have condemned U.S. sanctions on Venezuela, with China providing over $60 billion in investments and Russia deploying military advisers. To punish Trump’s administration, they could escalate financial retribution—such as freezing U.S. officials’ offshore assets (an estimated $30 billion in Russian and Chinese-linked holdings) or restricting access to critical mineral supply chains. Additionally, they might pursue resolutions in the UN General Assembly to delegitimize U.S. sanctions, building on prior votes where 193 nations condemned unilateral coercive measures. However, their willingness depends on balancing anti-imperialist rhetoric against economic pragmatism, particularly China’s reliance on U.S. markets.

Beyond diplomatic condemnation, legal avenues exist under international frameworks. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), representing 120 states, could initiate a collective lawsuit at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for violating the UN Charter’s sovereignty principles. Precedents exist: Nicaragua successfully sued the U.S. in 1986 over embargo-related damages. Economically, Global South nations might adopt secondary sanctions against U.S. firms enforcing the blockade, similar to the EU’s anti-sanctions statute (Blocking Statute 2271/96). Venezuela itself has already petitioned the ICC to investigate U.S. sanctions as crimes against humanity, citing a 40% increase in mortality due to medical shortages (Lancet, 2019). Strengthening these efforts requires coordinated action from BRICS and regional bodies like ALBA.

The claim that what is being done to Venezuela is bullying and theft of its wealth is an oversimplification that ignores the complexity of the internal US situation

While unconventional measures offer pathways to accountability, their effectiveness hinges on sustained geopolitical unity. China and Russia may lack the incentive to risk direct confrontation unless U.S. actions further destabilize their interests. However, escalating legal and economic pushback—coupled with grassroots pressure (e.g., sanctions divestment campaigns targeting Trump-linked businesses)—could erode U.S. moral authority. The Global South must weigh symbolic victories versus tangible penalties, but history suggests that even symbolic defeats can constrain hegemonic overreach. For academics, documenting these violations and advocating for transnational legal activism remains critical in shaping future norms against unilateral aggression.

Several researchers find that the US strategic interest in Venezuelan oil reserves reflects domestic energy poverty and financial desperation, which may contradict US empirical data. In fact, the US has been the world’s largest producer of crude oil since 2018, consistently producing more than 10 million barrels per day, reaching, according to US data, whose credibility is suspicious, 12.9 million barrels per day in 2023, according to the US Energy Information Administration (EIA). Far from suffering from energy scarcity, the US is a net exporter of petroleum products, as it claims, with the possibility of energy independence increasing thanks to advances in shale extraction technologies such as hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling, both of which have destroyed the US environment, soil, and groundwater, according to several environmental experts.

Some may say that we should analyze US foreign policy toward Venezuela in a broader geopolitical context from an American perspective. Venezuela has the world’s largest proven oil reserves—about 303 billion barrels, according to OPEC data for 2023 — making it an important player in energy markets, despite current production difficulties due to economic mismanagement and sanctions. US involvement, particularly during the Trump administration, has focused on overthrowing the democratic regime and changing it by force and through US proxies and an opposition that embraces the US agenda, alleging humanitarian crises and anti-authoritarian principles, rather than outright seizure of resources. Sanctions were used to pressure the Nicolás Maduro regime, not to directly seize oil, although critics argue that such measures may indirectly benefit US energy interests.

While accusations of economic imperialism and interventionism deserve careful scientific study, portraying US policy as mere “theft and intimidation” oversimplifies multifaceted diplomatic and strategic calculations. The Trump administration’s actions must be placed in their proper context within the long-standing tradition of US foreign policy of asserting regional influence and countering hostile powers, such as Russia and China, which have maintained economic and military ties with Venezuela. Attributing these policies to domestic failure ignores the complex interaction between national security, ideological opposition to authoritarianism, and global energy market dynamics. Rigorous scientific analysis requires moving beyond simplistic narratives to examine the structural, institutional, and ideological drivers of foreign policy in a multipolar world.

Venezuela’s struggle between past and present and lessons from the Gaza resistance

Venezuela’s contemporary struggle against foreign intervention must be understood through the lens of its historical anticolonial resistance, particularly the Bolivarian revolution’s defiance of Spanish imperial rule in the 19th century. Today, this struggle has transformed into resistance against what many Latin American scholars characterize as neo-imperial dominance—particularly U.S. economic sanctions that have cost Venezuela over $200 billion in lost revenues between 2017 and 2022, according to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Just as Simón Bolívar fought to liberate Gran Colombia from colonial exploitation, modern Venezuela must frame its resistance not as isolationism, but as a continuation of anti-imperial sovereignty. The current geopolitical pressure, manifested through financial blockades and political isolation, parallels historical patterns of external domination—only now administered through economic coercion rather than direct military occupation.

Equally instructive is the steadfast resistance of the Palestinian people in Gaza, who, despite enduring over 17 years of blockade (since 2007) and recurring military assaults—resulting in over 70,000 civilian deaths since October 2023, per Gaza Health Ministry reports—have refused to relinquish their land or dignity. Their resilience offers a powerful model of grassroots defiance in the face of disproportionate force and global indifference. Similarly, Hugo Chávez’s strategic bypassing of Western financial systems—exemplified by the 2005 energy-for-food barter agreement with Argentina, which exchanged Venezuelan oil for Argentine agricultural products—demonstrated that economic sovereignty could be preserved through South-South cooperation. This precedent underscores the viability of regional integration and alternative trade mechanisms in countering hegemonic control. By drawing on both historical liberation struggles and contemporary acts of resistance, Venezuela can articulate a coherent, morally grounded foreign policy that aligns with global movements against neocolonialism and for self-determination.

Conclusions:

The text critiques modern Western democracy, arguing it has become flawed, limiting citizens to choosing between two unsatisfactory options. It highlights how political party nominations often follow factionalism rather than merit, resulting in unqualified candidates. This situation worsens due to the influence of wealthy lobbies that manipulate policy for private gain, leading to a governance deficit.

Donald Trump’s presidency exemplifies these democratic issues, promoting policies aligned with specific interests while fostering military and economic instability. His administration’s actions in the Middle East and towards international relations reflect aggressive unilateralism. Additionally, Trump’s financial legacy is questioned, suggesting ties to potentially illicit activities and raising concerns about the sources of his wealth.

The history of Melania Trump, a Slovenian immigrant and former model, highlights potential issues related to human commodification and Trump’s wealth, which may involve both legitimate and illegal enterprises. Trump’s air and sea embargo on Venezuela, imposed without Congress’s approval, violates international law and worsens the country’s humanitarian crisis. To hold Trump accountable, Global South nations like China and Russia might consider sanctions, asset freezes, or legal action through international courts.

Venezuela’s significant oil reserves make it strategically important, but the U.S. involvement often emphasizes regime change rather than resource theft. The current situation reflects a historical struggle against neo-imperial dominance, paralleling past anticolonial resistance. Venezuela can draw on these struggles to promote a foreign policy advocating for sovereignty and integration against hegemonic control.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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