Opinion
After the Wagner’s revolt
The Wagner revolt ended with Lukashenko’s intervention.
Two main views attract my attention. One group is more or less in favour of the following attitude: “Oh dear, it’s Russia, these things happen, it’s no big deal.” Another version of this is: “Do you think that a coup can succeed in a big country like Russia?” The other group is roughly saying: “It is very important, if this military coup succeeds, the Kremlin will fall.”
I too think it is very important, but from a completely different perspective.
Informational non-barriers to the coup attempt
Let me begin by re-stating the following. I have persistently and repeatedly argued that many of the claims made about Russia and used as the basis for intellectual activity in the West do not reflect reality. That Russia is authoritarian and totalitarian, the Russian people are warlike (or war-averse), the Russian leadership is Russian nationalist are completely wrong. They are not objective, but fabricated, distorted views about society, state and politics. These are pseudosciences, just like “Kremlinology”, which was all the craze during the Soviet Union (and is now being stewed again), and even if they sometimes offer seminal propositions, their foundations are too flimsy to be taken seriously.
In reality, Russian society is uniquely open. Paul Craig Roberts, Reagan’s undersecretary of the treasury, said as much at the turn of the millennium. Despite widespread intellectual and cultural degeneration, there is sometimes a naive hunger for information. The issue is not the claim that “there are no barriers to information in the information age”. What I mean is that there is a qualitative difference in the quantity of those who need the flow of information. In Western societies, there is more “many-sidedness” and more of it is not needed, but it is certainly intra-systemic. In Russia, no matter how much many-sidedness there is, more of it is sought.
The events of yesterday confirmed this observation. A continuous and multidirectional flow of information, the like of which is impossible to find elsewhere: anyone who wished could find any opinion he wanted on the telegram channels, on the websites and even on the television screens, and, moreover, the audio, video, and written messages of Prigozhin, who had been declared a traitor only in the morning, were widely circulated. So too were the calls to subdue and even destroy the Wagnerians at the point of the bayonet.
Unpredictable spontaneity
The history of Russia is full of spontaneous, sudden, and unpredictable upheavals. Almost all the social, political, military, etc. movements that have shaken Russia have been completely unpredictable and spontaneous. There is one single and great exception: The October Revolution.
Unpredictability does not mean political independence of the actors. On the contrary, actors act by sensing hoe the wind blows and establishing relations with potential allies to the extent that they do not narrow their room for manoeuvre. Considering that the day before he was almost an angel of peace for the Kiev regime, Prigozhin’s action was clearly a digging in the ground for possible relations. The support of the defunct oligarchs, the strange and meaningful silence of the existing oligarchs, the fact that the financial arm of the government, unlike the siloviki arm, carefully avoided statements of support for Putin and played it out over the weekend should be taken as evidence that Prigozhin was digging in the right place.
I actually touched upon this when I commented on Putin’s speech the previous morning.
The reminder of “1917” in this speech may refer to two things: the February revolution, or the Kornilov putsch.
“We know only a single science: the science of history,” Marx wrote. One of the greatest tragedies of the age should be that the left is losing its historical consciousness to a considerable degree. When they think of 1917, they do not remember February, July or Kornilov; all they think of is October.
Putin’s anti-revolutionary stance is well known, but the context of the speech attributes much more to him than that.
If Putin was referring to Kornilov, there is a solid internal coherence, since the Kornilov putsch after the July uprising was the real beginning of the collapse of the provisional government. But in this case, Putin is drawing a parallel between himself and Kerensky.
If he meant the February uprising, the problem is more complicated. February was not just a spontaneous uprising. The uprising itself shows that a state of paralysis of state power had long since emerged, but in the process that led to and resulted in the tsar’s abdication, there was a power conflict that had been brewing since 1915, and behind it was a conspiracy involving the grand prince and a number of front commanders. So, if February is what is meant here, the problem is much more serious.
I will not discuss which assumption is correct.
Spiral history
It is one of Marx’s well-known sayings: “Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.”
How many times it repeats itself is a question mark. This is related to the spiral development of history, each new historical period repeats similar events of a sub-segment in a new, highly degenerated form.
Mussolini travelled to Milan on 27 October 1922. On the same day, in Perugia, the National Fascist Party’s appeal to the Italian people that the “march to Rome” had begun was published.[1] The “squadristi” (squad) marching columns, estimated at 10-30 thousand in total, mobilized under the direction of “quadrumviri” (quattro-four; four leaders of the march). The squadristi began to arm themselves, either by raiding army depots along their route or by volunteers from local army units. Prime Minister Luigi Facta declared that the country was on the brink of rebellion and prepared to declare a state of emergency. On 28 October, the king held talks; despite the army’s declaration of loyalty to the king, he refrained from declaring a state of emergency and dismissed the prime minister. Mussolini opposed a coalition government in which the fascists would participate and demanded the premiership. The squadristi were within 50 kilometers of Rome. On 29 October, the king surrendered to the blackmail of Mussolini. On 30 October, Mussolini and his squadristi entered Rome more or less simultaneously. Mussolini, supported by the army and the grand bourgeoisie, received authorization from the king, and the fascist government was formed. The king remained on his throne, but as a hollow puppet, a straw, impotent scarecrow.
Prigozhin called his action a “march for justice” against “corruption, lies and bureaucracy”. Who could oppose such a demand? Who could oppose the black shirts demanding justice?
A perfect choice of slogan for the fascist movement
As always, history proved Marx right again. Prigozhin appeared on the scene as a runt Mussolini and withdrew, fearing the possible consequences of his action, namely that he would not be able to obtain the consent of the people and would fall into disaster. Mussolini had risen on the promise of raising Italy, which had managed to emerge, albeit muddy, from the mire of disaster, while Prigozhin was a candidate to drag Russia, far from disaster, into the gutter. Mussolini had nothing to lose, Prigozhin had everything to lose.
I should make a note here, which I will refrain from dwelling on for the moment. Let us remember that Zhirinovsky died on 6 April last year. Zhirinovsky functioned as an air cushion from which potential unrest could crash and take the momentum away. His death created a vacuum in politics. All the conditions were ready for the petty-bourgeois rightism he represented to shift to another center. How voluntary it was is debatable, of course, but the nature of things was such that Prigozhin emerged as one of the main candidates to fill this vacuum.
This is how the danger of petty bourgeois rightism, a political tendency that is actually quite close to the left, given the material conditions that created it, evolving into a fascist movement emerged.
Why was it not suppressed? One: fundamental reasons
The question of why the armed forces did not take action against the Wagnerians is a legitimate one. It must be answered from two different perspectives.
The first is the reasons below ground.
It is worth going into detail because the dynamics continue to work.
In his first speech on the morning of 24 February, Putin said that they would not be caught unprepared as in 1941. Let us recall the exact wording:
“We know that in 1940 and early 1941 the Soviet Union went to great lengths to prevent war or at least delay its outbreak. To this end, the USSR sought not to provoke the potential aggressor until the very end by refraining or postponing the most urgent and obvious preparations it had to make to defend itself from an imminent attack. When it finally acted, it was too late.”
This means that the Ukrainian conflict, as I have mentioned in all my articles on the impending conflict from November 2021 onwards, was considered a kind of “winter war.” In other words, it was not planned as an aggressive war at all, but as the only means of preventing a bigger war.
That is, the discourse of “we intervened to stop the war that started in 2014” reflected a genuine, sincere belief, even if its (in)accuracy was debatable. However, the discourse naturally included the emphasis on “we will not make the mistake of 1941, we will not delay”, whereas, as Putin admitted for the first time last autumn in a meeting with women who had lost relatives at the front, they had delayed.
One could argue that this delay has a political content, that is to say: yes, but we were not caught unprepared militarily, which is contrary to the nature of things. The development of the war industry and the output of modern weapons and technology undoubtedly meant preparation, but many problems also arose in the organization of the army in terms of supply, logistics, personnel, troops and command. These problems had to arise; nothing more natural than these problems arising when an army that has not been in combat begins to fight.
The problem is that in 1941 these problems were solved with much greater speed, because the state and society had been mobilized down to the core, because they could be mobilized, because the state did not have to calculate in the face of the bourgeois greed for profit. However, as I wrote in March: “… so many and difficult problems arose, from the provision of equipment for the soldiers to the establishment of unity of command and even the transport of those summoned to their posts, that this dynamic was inevitably transferred to Wagner.”
There is therefore no point in roundabouts and clichés about the general tendency of capitalism towards mercenary companies and how this is a sign of political decay. These clichés seem to say a lot, but they do not recognize that the current situation is not caused by a tendency, but by a concrete and burning problem.
Such are the “experts” on the left. As for the “experts” on the right, who are always on the TV screens in Turkey, they have finally learnt that there is such a thing as a Wagner (although they have never learnt why it is called a Wagner, but one should not expect them to, since each of them is a jar of intelligence, history and politics, and since the jar is full to the brim, it cannot hold much); therefore, there is no need to go into the history of this mercenary company.
In passing, it is worth mentioning the legal side of the matter. According to the Constitution, mercenary labour is prohibited in Russia. But there is a loophole in the legislation, military companies are not considered mercenary companies. They are considered as “private detective and protection activities” established according to the corporate law.
In fact, a loophole in the legislation is a ridiculous phrase; in bourgeois law, the legislation is written for the sake of a loophole. This gap is closed in different ways depending on the threat or advantage.
Two: root causes
Let’s come to the technical, “cyclical” (but not unimportant) answer to the question “Why did this happen?”. I emphasized this several times during the day yesterday.
Firstly, by the very nature of things, no army, except the armies of colonial countries, which are mainly organized against a possible civil war, develops serious strategies based on the possibility of confronting another army (regular or guerrilla army) inside the country. (This is precisely what made colonial countries a paradise for military coups for more or less the entire second half of the 20th century).
Secondly, in the current situation, with probably all the experienced combat troops at the front, in border areas and bases, only the following forces are left to intervene against another armed army inside: police, gendarmerie, intelligence and air force. The Russian equivalents of the second and third are the Rosgvardiya, the Ministry of Emergency Situations, and the Federal Security Service (FSB).
Stopping heavily armed professional units, advancing in tanks and armour, armed with stinger-type air defense weapons and having recently undergone a major combat experience, is very difficult, even if their personnel numbers are relatively small, and perhaps almost impossible without heavy bombardment by the air force. It is necessary to isolate the advancing enemy army from the civilian population. But this, too, is close to impossible, because the situation has developed so rapidly that normal life goes on in a strange, almost surreal way. Civilian casualties are therefore inevitable.
More important are the difficulties of capturing a city that has actually fallen, not of stopping the incoming. Moreover, this city, as in the repeated experiences of 1919 and 1942, is of strategic importance; it is the gateway to the south. The targeting of this city by Wagner points to serious strategic work and recalls tragic historical experiences.
The most important thing is the political consolidation of the masses. At the present stage, this coup army has not interfered with the administrative and municipal organs. It has not even intervened in the military-law enforcement organs. It is enough only to stop them from implementing the orders they have received or to make it clear that it will stop them. Moreover, the coup army has achieved tremendous successes on the front (this expression does not mean affirmation) and these successes have brought it great prestige in the eyes of the masses. Moreover, this prestige has been reinforced by the government itself through television adverts, giant billboards, and praising speeches at official receptions.
In other words, there are all the conditions for a rapid escalation of the conflict, but there are also conditions for keeping it under controlled tension.
These are very serious, deadly problems. No one can easily predict the military and political consequences. It is no coincidence, therefore, that throughout the day, especially from the Russian left, there have been discussions of the possibility of a chain reaction effect of the conflict, which (1) could lead to a moral breakdown at the front; (2) might require a shift of troops from the front to stop the coup army; (3) in either case could lead to a setback at the front; (4) could result in political defeat vis-à-vis NATO; (5) political defeat could lead to internal turmoil, etc.
Independence tendencies
The main subject of my article in March was the following (I summarize it in the roughest outline): There have been many times in Russia when insignificant men have gained enormous importance. Prigozhin is also trying to become an independent political force. This tendency is also gaining strength elsewhere. The process will inevitably end in liquidation.
One of the underlying causes of the capitalist restoration and the resultant localized civil wars in every sense of the word in 1990 was the decision in September 1989 by a plenum of the CC of the CPSU to cede its powers to the union republics: “The most important sentence in the resolution, quoted by Putin, is this: ‘The highest representative bodies of the union republics may, on their territory, protest and stop the implementation of the decrees and instructions of the union [USSR] government.’ It is difficult to find another example of any government declaring its own existence meaningless. In any case, this would mean the disintegration of the Soviet nation.” It meant that Moscow was handing over its legitimacy to someone else.
It is as ironic as it is tragic: It was this decision of the CPSU that brought about the end of the Soviet Union as a state, where, in Putin’s words, “borders were fictitious and decisions were centralized”, but it was Putin’s hesitation to suppress tendencies towards autonomy that has been his method of governing on the ruins of capitalist restoration, while at every opportunity accusing Lenin, who founded the unity of modern Russia, of breaking up “historical Russia”.
Now an upheaval is inevitable. Firstly, there will be an upheaval that will suppress the tendencies towards independence, and this process will proceed step by step, but with determination. It is not only Wagner, but everyone and everything like Wagner, and they are particularly strong in the local organs of power.
Yesterday’s events have clearly shown that if the central authority is content with the function of coordinator among the subordinates, it will disintegrate; the central power must suppress the independent will of the subordinates and make them dependent on itself.
[1] This event is translated into Turkish (and other languages) as “march to Rome”, and into Russian as “campaign to Rome”. Maybe “marcia” in Italian also means “campaign” in our language, I don’t know. But “campaign” better reflects the spirit of the action.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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