Connect with us

Opinion

What to do for the TRNC to be recognized?

Avatar photo

Published

on

President Erdoğan’s visit to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), the messages he conveyed there for the recognition of the TRNC and his announcement that he would be back on the island on the anniversary of the Happy Peace Operation (July 20, 1974) are important in many ways. First of all, it is completely correct and accurate in terms of continuing the tradition that every prime minister/president who takes office makes his first foreign trip to the TRNC (the second one being Azerbaijan). In addition, having been adopted since the election of Ersin Tatar as the TRNC President in late 2020 and materialized by Türkiye especially with Erdoğan’s statements, the reiteration of the two-state solution has also revealed what kind of policy will be followed on Cyprus after the elections. Erdoğan’s speeches delivered in Cyprus on July 20, 2021 and at the UN General Assembly the following year (September 20, 2022), in which he called on all countries of the world to recognize the TRNC and ensured that the TRNC was admitted as an observer member to the Organization of Turkic States (Hungary has the same status in the OTS), constituted the main axis of the Cyprus policy. Although during the election campaign, the opposition’s foreign policy spokespersons gave the impression that they would revise this policy, these possibilities seem to have completely disappeared since they lost the elections. Erdoğan’s recent statements have only reinforced this policy.

While two-state solutions are generally accepted in the aftermath of decolonization when one of the nations living in a country/region does not recognize the sovereignty of the other or when there are different sovereignty claims over a piece of land, as in the case of Israel-Palestine, the Western world has been making extraordinary efforts for decades to prevent such a solution in Cyprus. The essence of the Cyprus issue, spearheaded by the US and the UK, and with the involvement of the European Union due to Türkiye’s mistakes, is the effort to remove Türkiye from the island, and it is the Collective West that has been trying to accomplish that through many ways and means to this day. However, while the rapidly emerging multipolarity is leading to a gradual/relative decline in the power of the Western world, it is exponentially increasing the importance of a medium-sized country like Türkiye, and thus seems to allow Ankara’s policies to achieve results in many issues, especially in the Cyprus issue.

RUSSIAN INITIATIVE FOR RECOGNITION OF CYPRUS

It is futile to expect the Collective West to be sympathetic to the solution of the Cyprus issue. The Western world only accepts new situations and developments or adapts itself to the new situation when a situation arises that it cannot influence. Therefore, the fact that Türkiye and/or the TRNC authorities have made statements about a ‘two-state solution on the basis of sovereign equality’ will not persuade Western states; it will only force them to face new realities.

It is impossible to solve the Cyprus question with Western formulations, since it is the Collective West that has complicated the issue in the first place. The fact that the Greek Cypriot side has been admitted to the EU under the name of the Republic of Cyprus, representing the whole island, has completely eliminated the possibility of solving the problem in line with the sovereign will of Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriots, since for the US and the EU, and for Greece and the Greek Cypriots acting with their support, any solution means the effective establishment of the sovereignty of the Greek Cypriot state over the whole island, which the Greeks consider to belong to them, including the territory of the TRNC. Thus, the entire island of Cyprus will become an EU territory and the opportunity to become a NATO member will be sought. On the other hand, since Türkiye and the TRNC insist on the ‘two sovereign states’ thesis, it does not seem possible to solve the problem at the negotiation table. Since there will be no war unless circumstances dictate, there is no doubt that the struggle of the parties to insist on their current positions and to impose their own conditions on the other side will continue in a world that is evolving towards multipolarity.

In a multipolar world, the Collective West is diplomatically opposed to Türkiye and the TRNC’s ‘solution on the basis of two independent sovereign states’ thesis, but is also aware that their ability to exert pressure on Ankara is considerably diminished. It is not only impossible for the Collective West to put pressure on Türkiye, one of the medium-sized states that play an important role in shifting or even contributing to changing the balances alongside the superpowers that have decisive power and capabilities in a multipolar world, but it is also clear that there will be a significant increase in the number of states that will not yield to the pressure of Western states that have been keeping a tight grip on all states for decades, for example, in preventing the recognition of the TRNC, and we have already started to see examples of this on many occasions. The complete collapse of the assumptions of the Western propaganda machine from the early days of the Ukraine war that Russia would soon be brought to its knees by sanctions and arms aid to Ukraine, and that China would be brought into line, has brought many states in every continent of the world to the point of being bolder against the Collective West. But all this does not automatically lead to the recognition of the TRNC. In this multipolar world, where many developments that would have been unimaginable during the Cold War and in a unipolar world order are possible, it is necessary to develop official, semi-official and unofficial policies for the promotion of the TRNC in each state individually and to keep them constantly updated.

Russia is one of the states where intensive efforts should be made to promote the TRNC, since Moscow’s old arguments for a one-state solution in Cyprus no longer have anything in its favor. For example, a solution to the Cyprus problem under a single state, under the Annan Plan or any other model, would automatically make the island an EU territory. Since such a solution can only be achieved through/as a result of Türkiye’s handshake with the US, the UK and the EU, a solution to the Cyprus problem would not only be contrary to Moscow’s national interests, but would also harm Russia’s overall strategic posture, as it would result in Türkiye’s further alignment with the Collective West. In the case of Cyprus, while Russia is engaged in a war in the former Eastern Europe and now in Ukraine and Georgia, taking the risk of using nuclear weapons to prevent NATO’s expansion, it would be condoning and even supporting the EU and NATO to turn a very important island with the capacity to control a very important region of the world such as the Eastern Mediterranean into EU and NATO territory. On the other hand, while during the Cold War the Soviet Union and later the Russian Federation wanted the Turkish-Greek rift within NATO to continue to deepen, a Russia that now supports a one-state solution in Cyprus would be harming its own strategic interests, as such a policy and the outcome would directly and significantly contribute to solidarity within NATO. In short, the one-state solution model does not serve any of Moscow’s interests.

On the contrary, a two-state solution would put an end to the possibility of the entire island becoming EU and NATO territory and would serve Moscow’s strategic interests by deepening the Türkiye-Greece rift within NATO. Moreover, such a solution would prevent Türkiye from becoming an outpost of the Collective West against Russia, and Türkiye, remaining in NATO, would continue to criticize the West’s anti-Russian policies and maintain its economic, commercial, political and even military relations with Moscow. The fact that Greece and Greek Cypriots have acted as the spearhead of the Collective West against Russia since the Ukraine war has also facilitated this process.

So how can this outcome be achieved? Ankara’s declaration of a two-state solution in Cyprus alone may not be enough to achieve this outcome. While we expect that Azerbaijan will recognize the TRNC after the peace treaty with Armenia (it could be before), this issue will also need to be discussed with Russia at the highest levels. For example, the fact that the Syrian issue, one of the most troublesome problems between Russia and Türkiye, has entered the stage of being resolved largely through Moscow’s mediation may facilitate the discussion of this issue between Ankara and Moscow. In any case, as part of a compromise with Syria, Syria should be asked to recognize the TRNC while Türkiye transfers the territories under its control to the sovereignty of the Damascus administration and a full compromise is reached on other issues.

If Ankara reaches a peace and compromise in Syria in return for a TRNC agreement/reconciliation with Moscow, which is also in its own interest, it will result in Russia crowning its military successes with a diplomatic victory, which will give momentum to Ankara-Moscow relations and greatly break the will of Greece and the Greeks to fight. The Western world will not be able to do more than a few ‘we do not accept’ statements and Türkiye will force Greece and the Greeks to face the realities of multipolarity by getting Azerbaijan, the Turkic World states (except Uzbekistan at first), Pakistan, most of the Arab World countries with which we have normalized our relations, and many other states with which we provide humanitarian aid and have good relations to recognize the TRNC. Let us not forget that the fault lines of multipolarity pass through this geography. If we make the building strong, that is, if we set up the game in accordance with the spirit of multipolarity, we will get results and the ghost buildings built by the Greece-Greek Cypriot side on the power of others will collapse. Why not?

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

Avatar photo

Published

on

The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

Continue Reading

Opinion

What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

Avatar photo

Published

on

By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

Avatar photo

Published

on

In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey