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As the U.S. expands its bases, will the Philippines be able to maintain a balance with China?

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The Philippines granted the United States expanded access to its military bases on Thursday.

The defense ministries of both countries announced Washington would be granted access to four more regions under the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA).

The agreement was reached during a visit by U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, who visited South Korea earlier this year to bolster deployment of advanced weapons such as fighter jets and bombers to the Korean Peninsula, also to deploy more military forces and weapons in the Philippines.

In a joint announcement, the Philippines and the United States agreed to accelerate the full implementation of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which aims to support combined training, exercises, and interoperability between the two countries.

As part of the agreement, the United States has allocated $82 million for infrastructure improvements at five existing EDCA sites and has expanded its military presence to four new regions in “strategic areas of the country,” according to the statement.

New bases target China

The statement did not specify where the new areas would be. The former Philippine military chief told Reuters that the United States had previously requested access to bases on the island of Palawan, which overlooks the disputed Spratly Islands in the South China Sea and the northern land mass of Luzon, the Philippines’ closest region to Taiwan.

Philippine military officials and defense experts said some government officials were concerned that news about these locations would anger China.

According to an analysis published in the Global Times, Luzon and Palawan are very close to the Taiwanese island of Nansha, respectively, and “the intention of targeting China could not be more obvious.”

More recently, U.S. forces have intensified and expanded joint training focusing on combat readiness and disaster response with Filipino troops on the nation’s west coast, which faces the South China Sea, and in its northern Luzon region.

Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA)

The EDCA allows U.S. access to Philippine military bases for joint training, pre-positioning of equipment and the building of facilities such as runways, fuel storage and military housing, but not for a permanent presence.

Austin said: “This is not about permanent basing, but it is a big deal, it is a really big deal… This is an opportunity to increase our effectiveness, increase interoperability.”

The Philippines was home to two largest U.S. Navy and Air Force bases outside of the American mainland. However, after the Philippine Senate refused to extend the use of the bases, they were closed in the early 1990s.

Although American forces returned for large-scale combat exercises with Filipino troops under a 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement, they could not obtain a base. The Philippine Constitution forbids the permanent establishment of foreign troops and their involvement in local combat.

The 2014 EDCA allowed U.S. forces to pre-position equipment and return forces in Philippine military bases, but Marcos’ predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, had suspended the practice to maintain closer ties with China.

After Marcos was elected president, Joe Biden was the first foreign leader to call to congratulate Marcos, and senior Washington officials visited the Philippines regularly.

Manila’s balance policy

Washington is keen to expand its security options in the Philippines against China, while Manila aims to strengthen its defenses against disputed territorial claims in the South China Sea and a possible escalation in the Taiwan Strait.

A senior White House official told the Financial Times the initiative was “part of their strategic efforts across the region,” stressing that it was very important to Biden.

The Philippines sees the United States as a crucial counterweight to China in the region, and Washington has pledged to come to the defense of the Philippines if Filipino forces, ships, or aircraft come under attack in the contested waters.

On the other hand, the Philippines is trying to pursue a policy of not taking sides between China, its largest trading partner, and the United States. Philippine President Marcos’ visit to China last month was an indication that Manila is seeking to maintain ties with Beijing. Marcos also reiterated his commitment to the “one China” policy in a recent private interview with the Financial Times.

That’s why Philippine officials insisted ahead of Austin’s visit that military cooperation with the United States “does not target any third party.”

The Philippines is critical to Washington

However, the revival of the defense relationship with Washington by Philippine President Marcos could change this balance policy. The U.S. is using the same stick on the Philippines that it uses on the Asia-Pacific countries – the “China threat”.

The Biden administration is pushing the idea that if Beijing challenges the Philippines’ control over the disputed islands in the South China Sea or attacks Taiwan, the Philippines will be at risk of becoming part of the battlefield.

In this context, Austin said during the visit that the United States and the Philippines are “committed to strengthening their mutual capacities to resist armed attack” and stressed that these defensive efforts are important against China’s influence on the South China Sea.

Lisa Curtis, an Indo-Pacific expert at the Washington-based CNAS think tank, also stressed that the Philippines’ position is critical to the entire U.S. alliance system in the Indo-Pacific. In the event of a dispute over Taiwan, Washington would certainly see Manila as a staging ground for logistical support and U.S. forces, Curtis said.

Meanwhile, the Philippine president is reportedly traveling to Japan next week to expand security and trade cooperation between Manila and Tokyo.

Beijing has voiced concerns about Marcos’ visit to Japan, according to two people familiar with the discussions, highlighting the challenge the Philippines faces in trying to balance its economic interests with China and its relations with the United States and its allies.

The extent to which the Philippines can successfully maintain the balance policy in the face of the attack attempt that the U.S. and NATO have pursued so far in the Asia-Pacific through the “Chinese threat” discourse remains a question.

ASIA

5 points in the indictment of Indian billionaire Gautam Adani

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The indictment of Indian tycoon Gautam Adani, Asia’s second richest man, on bribery charges in a U.S. federal court on Wednesday shocked India.

The charges put his empire under renewed scrutiny less than two years after allegations of financial irregularities by short-seller Hindenburg Research wiped $130bn off the group’s public market value.

Who is Gautam Adani?

Gautam Adani is the founder and chairman of the Adani Group, which has interests in renewable energy, ports, airports, construction materials, food and media. He is often referred to as ‘Number 1’ and ‘Big Man’ by other defendants in the case.

Adani, 62, from a middle-income textile family in the western Indian state of Gujarat, set up his group in 1988 to trade in commodities. Over time, Adani grew his business through an aggressive leverage strategy, moving into many sectors critical to the country’s infrastructure. The group was worth around $170 billion before the indictment led to the sale of its listed assets.

Adani’s rise mirrors that of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, himself from Gujarat. Modi’s political opponents have often claimed that Modi has favored the billionaire, as Adani has benefited greatly from the tenders it has won for public projects thanks to the Modi government’s infrastructure development drive. Both Adani and the government have denied any special treatment.

What are the charges?

U.S. prosecutors allege that Gautam Adani, his nephew Sagar Adani and six other defendants conspired to pay $265 million in bribes to Indian government officials to secure ‘lucrative solar power supply contracts’. The defendants also allegedly ‘concealed’ the bribes from U.S.-based investors in order to ‘obtain billions of dollars in financing’.

The bribery scheme, dubbed the ‘Corrupt Solar Power Project’ in the indictment, centered on numerous solar power contracts awarded by the state-owned Solar Energy Corporation of India to Adani’s renewable energy unit and another Indian company, Azure Power.

Adani and others have also been charged by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission with making ‘materially false or misleading’ statements about anti-bribery practices when raising $750 million from investors in September 2021, including $175 million from U.S. investors.

How will the indictment affect the Group’s business?

Following the indictment, 11 of the conglomerate’s twelve companies collectively lost around $27 billion in value on Thursday, a repeat of the collapse in January 2023, when Hindenburg Research accused the group of stock manipulation and improper use of offshore tax havens, among other allegations.

Shares in holding company Adani Enterprises fell more than 22%, while shares in Adani Green Energy, the focus of the investigation, fell nearly 19%. Only New Delhi Television (NDTV), the news media arm of the conglomerate, closed marginally higher. Shares in most Adani companies continued to fall in early trading on Friday.

“The indictment could affect Adani’s upcoming fundraising plans. Adani Green Energy has reportedly cancelled the sale of $600 million in U.S. dollar-denominated bonds. The biggest short-term impact of this development is that the Adani Group may find it difficult to raise new funds, especially from leading financial institutions, until its name is cleared,” said Abhishek Basumallick, founder of investment advisory firm Intelsense.

Late on Thursday, Kenyan President William Ruto said he was cancelling Adani’s purchase of a controlling stake in the country’s main airport and a $736 million public-private partnership with the company to build power transmission lines.

How have the Adani Group and the Indian government responded?

In a statement on Thursday, the Adani Group rejected the charges in the indictment, calling them ‘baseless’.

As the U.S. Department of Justice has stated, the charges in the indictment are allegations and the defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty,’ the group said in a statement: ‘All available legal remedies will be pursued.

There has been no official reaction from the Indian government.

Jaideep Mazumdar, Joint Secretary (East) in the Ministry of External Affairs, declined to comment when asked about the Adani issue during a press conference on Modi’s visit to Guyana in South America. “This is a press conference organised for the Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Guyana and the India-CARICOM (Caribbean Community) Summit, and I am not in a position to respond to questions beyond this mandate,” he said in Guyana’s capital, Georgetown.

Modi’s political rivals have launched a series of attacks on the billionaire.

Rahul Gandhi, senior leader of the Indian National Congress, said at a press conference on Thursday: “Adani has in a way taken over India; the country is in the grip of Adani. So, India’s airports, ports, defence industry… it is a partnership. Modi is on one side of the partnership and Adani is on the other,” he said.

Gandhi is also the leader of the opposition in the lower house of parliament and is in a powerful position to have a say in the appointment of a director of the Central Bureau of Investigation, the country’s anti-crime agency. Gandhi said his party would raise Adani’s charges in the winter session of parliament, which begins on Monday.

Is extradition expected to come up?

There is an ongoing investigation into Adani, launched last year by India’s securities regulator in the wake of the Hindenburg Research allegations.

Lawyers in India and the U.S. have said that U.S. prosecutors may seek the extradition of Adani and other defendants in the latest charges. The two countries have had an extradition treaty in place since 1997.

Prashant Mendiratta, a lawyer at the Delhi High Court, said the Indian Ministry of External Affairs would be the primary decision-maker if the U.S. government made an extradition request.

“If the Indian government refuses extradition, the prosecution can approach the Indian judiciary with a petition against the decision … there is a high probability that this will turn into a two-front legal battle,” Mendiratta added.

The Indo-U.S. extradition treaty also stipulates that an offence must be punishable by imprisonment of one year or more before extradition can be granted. Under India’s Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) Act, bribery is only punishable by up to one year in prison.

The more stringent Prevention of Corruption Act (PoCA) can also be applied in this case.

However, for the PoCA to apply, it must be proven that a bribe was solicited and accepted by the government official.

“Obviously we are aware of these allegations,” White House spokeswoman Karine Jean-Pierre said at a press briefing on Thursday when asked if the U.S. was concerned that the charges against Adani could damage bilateral relations: “What I would say is that we believe that the relationship between the United States and India rests on an extremely strong foundation based on the relationship between our peoples and cooperation on the full range of global issues.”

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Trump’s trade stance pushes Asian countries toward regional alliances

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Asian countries are responding to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump’s protectionist rhetoric by placing greater emphasis on regional and bilateral trade agreements aimed at promoting transnational economic cooperation without U.S. involvement, analysts say.

After being sworn in for a second term on January 20, 2024, Trump made tariffs a cornerstone of his campaign, pledging to impose duties of up to 20% on U.S. imports across the board, as well as a 60% tariff on Chinese goods.

At the recent Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum in Peru, leaders from many of the 21 member economies called for greater regional economic integration as geopolitical tensions rise and supply chains become increasingly fragile.

China signed a stronger trade agreement with Peru.

Indonesia finalized a trade deal with Canada.

Singapore’s Prime Minister, Lawrence Wong, emphasized the importance of reviving the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area, an agreement still under negotiation among APEC economies.

“APEC is more important now than it was before,” Wong said, highlighting the urgency of collaboration.

Multilateral regional economic partnerships

Trade deals excluding Washington, such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), are expected to become more vital for Asian countries in the coming years.

“This will help us manage some of the chaos and damage from the collapsing global system,” said Deborah Elms, head of trade policy at the Hinrich Foundation, an Asia-based group promoting sustainable trade, in an interview with Nikkei Asia.

The RCEP, a trade agreement involving 15 Asia-Pacific countries—including China, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN members—was signed in November 2020 after eight years of negotiation. Together, these countries account for roughly 30% of global GDP.

In 2017, Trump withdrew the U.S. from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), leaving Japan to lead the revised agreement. Renamed the CPTPP, the 11-member group, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, and Vietnam, is entering its sixth year. Trade between members rose 5.5% between 2018 and 2021. The United Kingdom joined in December, while China has expressed interest in becoming a member.

Given Trump’s anti-globalization stance, analysts suggest that Japan should expand the CPTPP by adding members and deepening cooperation with the European Union.

A Chinese delegate at APEC remarked, “At the end of the day, we have many trading partners.”

However, China’s own economic policies could pose challenges to regional trade cooperation.

Priyanka Kishore, founder of consultancy Asia Decoded, emphasized that China must boost domestic consumption and increase imports to strengthen regional trade.

“China has a crucial role to play in supporting the region’s external demand,” Kishore told Nikkei Asia, adding, “It needs to do more if it wants to be the champion of intra-regional trade.”

Finding new trading partners could take years

Higher U.S. tariffs could hit Asian economies hard, particularly those with trade-to-GDP ratios exceeding 100%, such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and Vietnam. Currently, only Singapore and South Korea have free trade agreements with the U.S.

Tariffs, paid by importers in the U.S. and collected by U.S. Customs and Border Protection, raise costs that are often passed on to consumers. However, they also hurt foreign exporters by making their goods less competitive.

According to research by Yang Zhou, an economist at Fudan University, the U.S.-China trade war cost China $35 billion, and the U.S. $15 billion in 2018 alone.

A study by Global Trade Alert, an independent organization monitoring world trade policies, explored how Asian countries might cope with losing access to the U.S. market. It concluded that it would take these countries an average of five years to establish new trade partnerships.

For countries like Thailand, the timeline could extend to 24 years, as they shift trade to China, the EU, Vietnam, and Japan. For South Korea, it might take until 2038 to fully replace the U.S. as a trading partner.

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China resumes visa-free travel for Japanese citizens

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China’s Foreign Ministry announced on Friday that the government will waive visa requirements for Japanese citizens traveling to the country starting 30 November.

Japan now joins a group of European countries, including Bulgaria, Romania, and Croatia, that have been added to China’s visa-free travel list. This arrangement will remain in effect until the end of next year.

The latest exemptions bring the total number of eligible countries to 38. Additionally, Beijing has extended the visa-free stay duration from 15 to 30 days.

This decision follows a meeting between Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and Chinese President Xi Jinping during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum in Peru last week. Both leaders agreed to cooperate based on their “common strategic interests.”

China had suspended visa exemptions for Japanese and other travelers during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since lifting its zero-COVID policy in 2023, Beijing has reinstated visa-free entry for dozens of countries in Europe and Southeast Asia. However, Japanese citizens still required visas for stays of 15 days or less—until now.

Japanese authorities have been urging Beijing to relax visa policies, aiming to facilitate travel for business and leisure. While this latest move simplifies access, it remains unclear if it will lead to a substantial rise in Japanese visitors to China, given ongoing challenges such as the weak yen, which has dampened outbound travel from Japan.

Conversely, Chinese citizens traveling to Japan must still obtain visas, a policy that predates the pandemic. According to Japanese media, Tokyo is not planning to offer reciprocal visa-free travel to China but is considering simplifying visa procedures to ease the process for Chinese visitors.

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