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Ex-UN rapporteur Alfred de Zayas delivers message to Palestine conference in Istanbul

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Former United Nations Special Rapporteur Alfred de Zayas sent a message to the international conference titled “From Genocide to the Establishment of the Palestinian State,” held in Istanbul on September 6.

The conference brought together leading experts from Palestine, Türkiye, Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Russia, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Norway, and Denmark.

Speakers assessed the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, which they described as genocide, the challenges in Palestine’s statehood process, and the role of the international community. The conference emphasized the need to overcome internal divisions in Palestine and increase diplomatic pressure on Israel.

Alfred de Zayas’s message is as follows:

“On August 31, the International Association of Genocide Scholars issued a resolution confirming that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza and calling for international action to protect the rights of Palestinians.

The Gaza Tribunal in Sarajevo held in May that Israel was committing genocide. On August 18, 2024, it issued a resolution in Istanbul calling on the international community to take concrete action to stop the genocide. Not only civilians but also journalists, medics, and staff members of UN agencies, including UNRWA, have been killed.

Richard Falk, the tribunal’s president, an emeritus professor of international law at Princeton University and a former UN special rapporteur on Palestinian human rights (2008-2014), warned that failure to act would represent “a historic failure of humanity.” He urged world governments to bypass the UN Security Council and empower the General Assembly to authorize armed intervention without delay, emphasizing that decisive measures were needed to prevent further civilian casualties.

The International Court of Justice has held in its Advisory Opinion of July 19, 2024, that Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza is illegal and that it must withdraw from these territories and pay compensation to the victims.

The UN General Assembly endorsed the ICJ ruling by an overwhelming majority and adopted a resolution on September 18, 2024, giving Israel 12 months to implement the Advisory Opinion.

Israel has not only ignored the Advisory Opinion and the GA resolution but has intensified the genocide on the civilian population of Gaza, the bombardment of schools, hospitals, mosques, and churches, and shown contempt for the orders issued by the ICJ in connection with the pending case South Africa v. Israel.

On November 21, 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Minister of War Yoav Gallant, which to this day have not been implemented.

The Trump Administration has imposed sanctions on the International Criminal Court to obstruct its work.

What does this mean for the authority and credibility of the United Nations? What does it entail for the obligations of all UN member states under the UN Charter and under the 1948 Genocide Convention?

This conference should adopt a resolution to be forwarded to Antonio Guterres and Volker Türk to be taken into account at the opening of the 80th session of the General Assembly. This resolution should endorse the reports of the UN Rapporteur on Palestine, professor Francesca Albanese, and demand the implementation by Israel of the Advisory Opinions of the ICJ of July 9, 2004, and July 19, 2024. It should invoke the Responsibility to Protect doctrine and endorse the humanitarian work of all UN agencies, including UNRWA and UNICEF, and support the SUMUD humanitarian flotilla.

The resolution and the outcome document of this conference must call for the adoption by the General Assembly of a Uniting for Peace Resolution calling on states to take joint and individual actions to stop the genocide on the basis of the obligation to prevent to which all parties of the Genocide Convention are bound.

If the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect means anything, it means saving Palestine.

The conference should urge the General Assembly to invoke Article 6 of the UN Charter, which provides for the expulsion of members. The article stipulates:

“A Member of the United Nations who has persistently violated the Principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council.”

No UN member state has ever violated more General Assembly and Security Council Resolutions than Israel; no member state has shown as much contempt for the UN and for international judicial institutions as Israel, with the complicity of the US. Both are in open rebellion against the UN Charter and international law.

In the immediate term, the General Assembly should withdraw the accreditation given to Israeli diplomats, as the GA withdrew the accreditation of the diplomats of the Apartheid regime in South Africa during the 1970s and 1980s. This would be symbolic and complete the isolation of Israel in the international community.

The General Assembly should call on all member states to break not only diplomatic relations but all commercial relations with the genocidal state.

In the long term, the General Assembly should adopt a resolution requesting an Advisory Opinion by the International Court of Justice to rule on the issue of complicity in genocide.

The Geneva International Peace Research Institute submitted two legal briefs in 2024 to the International Criminal Court under Article 15 of the Rome Statute, asking the Prosecutor to start investigations into the criminal complicity of European institutions and individuals like Ursula von der Leyen and Kaja Kallas in the ongoing genocide in Gaza.

A new multipolar world is emerging. The hope of humanity is no longer with the “collective West” but with the Global Majority in Africa and Asia. The crucial problem today is that the institutions created to defend our rights have been hijacked by Washington and Brussels and that they do not work for humanity but to maintain an unjust world order.

For that reason, I wrote my human rights trilogy: Building a Just World Order, Countering Mainstream Narratives, and The Human Rights Industry, with concrete, pragmatic, implementable recommendations, including my 25 Principles of International Order.”

Diplomacy

India’s Russian oil imports hit record high as Middle East tensions disrupt markets

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India is increasing imports of Russian oil and coal as supply chain disruptions and rising prices linked to tensions involving Iran reshape global energy flows.

According to a Reuters report citing data from analytics firm Kpler, shipments from Russia to India reached record levels in June.

Kpler estimates that Russian oil deliveries to India will rise to a record 2.55 million barrels per day in June.

That would surpass both the 2.13 million barrels per day recorded in May and the previous high of 2.16 million barrels per day registered in May 2023.

Russia’s share of India’s total oil imports in June is expected to come in at just under 50%. Before the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, the figure averaged 23% during the three months preceding February 28.

India’s shift toward Russian crude followed the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and a temporary suspension of sanctions on purchases by the administration of US President Donald Trump in an effort to increase market supply.

However, the sanctions waiver expired on June 17 and was not extended by the US Treasury Department.

Reuters noted that this could lead to a decline in purchases of Russian crude, although the outcome will depend on the willingness of Indian refiners and government officials to return to sourcing shipments from Middle Eastern suppliers.

According to Kpler forecasts, imports from Saudi Arabia are expected to remain at 349,000 barrels per day in June. That compares with an average of 832,000 barrels per day during the three months before the conflict.

A similar trend is visible in coal imports. Imports of Russian coal across all grades are expected to reach 3.16 million tonnes in June, compared with 3.27 million tonnes in May.

Both figures would rank as the second and third highest on record, respectively, behind the peak of 3.76 million tonnes registered in May last year.

Russia is also expected to overtake Australia in June to become the second-largest supplier of coal to India, the world’s second-largest coal importer after China.

According to Reuters, Russia is likely to maintain its role as one of India’s key coal suppliers. Future purchases of Russian oil, however, will depend on whether Washington moves to tighten sanctions against Moscow.

New Delhi says oil shipments will not be affected by sanctions

Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said in mid-June that the country had increased purchases of Russian oil since 2022 at Washington’s request in order to help contain global energy prices.

Jaishankar criticised US restrictions on Russian commodities and urged policymakers not to present such measures as matters of grand principle.

Sujata Sharma, a representative of India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, also said in May that shipments from Russia were continuing and would do so regardless of US decisions concerning sanctions waivers.

Indian refiners reduced imports from Russia in 2025 and turned to suppliers in Saudi Arabia and Iraq amid pressure from the United States and threats of a 25% tariff on Indian goods.

However, Reuters data show that following the outbreak of war in the Middle East and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, Indian companies began increasing purchases of Russian crude again in early March.

Russia’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, said at the end of April that Moscow was prepared to supply as much raw material as India was willing to accept.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov later confirmed that Moscow remained committed to its agreements on energy shipments to India.

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EU, US and China intensify competition over Africa’s strategic minerals through Lobito Corridor

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Africa is becoming an increasingly intense arena of competition among China, the US and the European Union over access to strategic raw materials.

According to an analysis by German Foreign Policy, the Lobito Corridor, a rail link connecting the copper belt of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola, is playing a pivotal role in that contest.

The infrastructure project is regarded as one of the flagship initiatives of the EU’s Global Gateway strategy and is also viewed by Washington, which is investing in the region, as a means of reducing dependence on China.

In the future, copper, cobalt, lithium and other raw materials essential for the production of batteries, electric vehicles, digital technologies and military equipment will be transported westward via this route.

The initiative builds on infrastructure originally constructed during the colonial era to facilitate the export of African raw materials.

Critics argue that the expansion of the Lobito Corridor perpetuates existing patterns of resource extraction under new conditions.

Global Gateway as a counter to the Belt and Road

The European Commission approved the Global Gateway programme in September 2021.

Under the programme, nearly €300 billion is to be invested in infrastructure projects across Africa, Asia, Oceania, Southeast Europe, and South and Central America by 2027.

The programme is widely viewed as a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

One of its central objectives is to diversify Europe’s imports of critical raw materials, particularly by reducing dependence on supplies from China.

During a visit to China in late May 2026, German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche of the CDU underscored the importance of secure access to critical raw materials and rare earth elements. This is the area in which Germany remains most dependent on China.

Colonial-era infrastructure remains intact

One of the clearest examples is the 1,300-kilometre Lobito Corridor, which runs from the edge of the Zambia-Southern Congo copper belt to the port of Lobito in Angola.

The core infrastructure of this trade corridor was established through the Benguela Railway, which was built as early as 1902 at the height of European colonial expansion. The railway extended eastward from the port city of Lobito through what is now Angola, providing access to the mineral-rich regions of southern Congo and Zambia.

In 1931, following completion of the initial railway line, the British mining and railway company Tanganyika Concessions transferred its 99-year concession rights to Portugal’s colony of Angola.

The concession expired in 2001, after which the infrastructure, previously controlled by Portuguese authorities, was transferred to the Angolan government.

By 2030, annual copper shipments through the route are expected to reach one million metric tonnes.

Both the EU and the US are relying heavily on the Lobito Corridor in an effort to counter China’s dominant position in Africa’s raw materials sector.

Estimates indicate that roughly two-thirds of global cobalt production originates in the Congo, where Chinese companies are particularly active in mining operations.

China also accounts for approximately 75% of global cobalt processing capacity.

The colonial-era rail line leading to Lobito is intended to redirect exports of copper, cobalt and other raw materials, which have until now largely been shipped eastward via Tanzania, toward western markets, enabling processing in Europe or North America rather than China.

Europe seeks to reduce dependence on China for the green transition

In addition to copper and cobalt, the region holds substantial deposits of lithium, coltan, nickel and rare earth elements, giving it significant economic importance.

These materials are used in electric vehicle batteries, stationary energy storage systems and alloys required for military aircraft production.

Until now, the EU has sourced much of these materials from China. Strategic investment in a new logistics hub in Luau, Angola, located along the Lobito Corridor, is intended to reduce that dependence.

The railway line along the corridor is already operated by a European consortium.

The consortium includes Swiss commodities trader Trafigura, Portuguese construction group Mota-Engil and Belgian rail company Vecturis.

However, the majority of the mines remain under Chinese control. In the Congo, 24 of the country’s 33 cobalt-exporting companies are Chinese-backed.

The Lobito Corridor is being developed through an EU-US partnership

EU efforts to secure influence over the Lobito Corridor are advancing in parallel with similar initiatives by the United States.

In early 2022, the US signed a memorandum of understanding with the EU and other G7 members to mobilise more than $600 billion for infrastructure projects worldwide over the following five years as part of the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).

The Lobito Corridor is one of five key trade, transit and development corridors in Southern Africa designed to improve transport efficiency.

During the administration of President Joe Biden, financing for the Lobito Corridor was launched under the G7’s PGII framework as a flagship project in cooperation with the Global Gateway initiative.

The EU also regards the expansion of the Lobito Corridor as a critical project and has committed more than €2 billion in funding.

That support could increase further. The next EU budget cycle beginning in 2028 envisages nearly doubling spending on development and external assistance, from €108 billion to €200 billion.

EU officials present the strategy as an effort to offer a more comprehensive approach to infrastructure financing than China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

‘America First’ in Africa

The US has pledged hundreds of millions of dollars for the expansion of the Lobito Corridor.

In the final quarter of 2025 alone, it provided $553 million in loans for the project’s expansion.

An additional $200 million in support came from the Development Bank of Southern Africa.

Unlike the Biden administration, which frequently described the initiative as development assistance, the second Trump administration openly characterises the project as an effort to weaken China’s influence, strengthen US control over critical raw materials and diversify supply chains.

For example, Frank Garcia, a former naval officer appointed in late May as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, praised the Trump administration’s continuing engagement on the continent.

Highlighting the Lobito Corridor in particular, Garcia said the project aligns key US interests in Africa with the “America First” approach.

Germany in Africa for the energy transition

Last autumn, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier travelled several kilometres on the newly restored railway line along the Lobito Corridor and described it as “a strategic infrastructure project of enormous economic importance.”

The German politician added: “Of course, this infrastructure connection also creates investment opportunities for European and German companies along its route.”

Portuguese construction company MCA is currently building solar energy parks in 60 municipalities across Angola at a cost of just under €1.29 billion.

The client is Angola’s Energy Ministry, while the German government is supporting the project through export credit guarantees.

Should Angola fail to meet its payment obligations, Germany would step in. A total of 95% of the project value is guaranteed by the Federal Republic of Germany.

In return, Angola agreed to allow German companies to participate in the project. For example, the battery storage system is being supplied by SMA Solar Technology, based in Niestetal near Kassel.

German solar technology provider Gantner Instruments Environment Solutions is supplying the digital control system.

Critics of the Lobito Corridor expansion warn that the project will primarily benefit the EU and the US.

In their view, the initiative promotes the export of African raw materials rather than strengthening intra-African trade.

Although the EU presents these measures as a development project aligned with African interests, critics argue that they ultimately represent a continuation of Western exploitation of African resources.

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EU presses Türkiye for non-Russian gas supplies under future energy contracts

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The European Union is insisting that natural gas delivered to member states via Türkiye under new supply agreements must not be of Russian origin.

German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche said after an official visit to Ankara that “Türkiye understands that the EU attaches great importance to ending the supply of raw materials originating from Russia and accepts this reality.”

Reiche added that Turkish officials had made it clear that replacing supplies from Russia could not be achieved overnight, either economically or in terms of available alternative sources.

As of June 17, a ban on pipeline natural gas imports from Russia under short-term contracts signed more than a year ago entered into force across the European Union.

The measure was approved by the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament at the end of last year. In January 2025, EU member states also voted to phase out Russian gas completely by 2027. Under that decision, member states are required to verify the origin of gas supplies before authorizing deliveries.

Meanwhile, Swiss-based company Nord Stream 2 AG, the operator of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, has launched legal action challenging the regulation imposing the ban on Russian gas imports.

Türkiye, for its part, is continuing negotiations with Gazprom on natural gas supplies for the period after 2026, as existing contracts are approaching expiration.

Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar previously said the parties had yet to reach agreement on potential shipment volumes and the duration of any new contracts.

In December 2025, Ankara extended by one year two agreements with Gazprom covering gas deliveries through the TurkStream and Blue Stream pipelines.

Türkiye is seeking to reduce Russia’s share of its gas supply mix. Russia’s share of Türkiye’s natural gas imports has already fallen below 40%.

As part of its energy diversification strategy, Ankara plans to replace part of Russian gas imports with supplies from the United States and Central Asia.

Bayraktar previously said that despite US calls to abandon Russian energy resources, Türkiye would continue purchasing natural gas from Russia.

“We cannot tell our citizens there is no gas available. We have agreements with Russia. Winter is approaching. We need gas from Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan,” Bayraktar said.

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