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German space sector sounds alarm over US dependency as SpaceX lists publicly

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The public listing of US aerospace giant SpaceX is exposing a widening chasm between Germany and the American space industry, triggering fresh warnings in Berlin over Europe’s deep strategic dependencies.

According to a report by German Foreign Policy, thin tanks such as the Berlin-based German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) have long warned that Germany’s space sector has become “excessively dependent on the US.”

Politicians and defense analysts warn that Washington—particularly under the administration of President Donald Trump—could exploit these critical dependencies to ruthlessly advance unilateral US interests.

In response, the European Union has taken initial steps to mitigate this vulnerability. Last year, Brussels announced a new EU Space Law aimed at harmonizing fragmented national regulations to establish a unified European space single market.

However, Washington strongly opposes the proposed Space Law, fearing it will place American industry giants at a disadvantage.

Independently, the German government is planning a massive €35 billion investment package by 2030, which includes the establishment of a “German Starlink.” Yet, Berlin’s push for absolute national leadership in orbit is increasingly sidelining French defense contractors, exacerbating bilateral tensions within Europe.

Dependencies on the US take center stage in Berlin

In Germany, calls are mounting for the country to aggressively advance its own sovereign space capabilities, using SpaceX as a blueprint.

Fabian Mehring, the Bavarian State Minister for Digital Affairs, declared that the US company’s public listing must serve as a “wake-up call” for Europe.

“Those who do not shape the future themselves will become dependent on those who do,” Mehring warned, arguing that technological superiority translates directly into foreign policy power.

Anxieties regarding the EU’s lagging position in the space race have intensified. In October 2025, Juliana Süß, an expert from the Security Policy Working Group at the SWP, detailed the extent of the EU’s “excessive dependency” on the US space sector.

Süß emphasized that this reliance spans irreplaceable technical components, including the US Global Positioning System (GPS) required to guide Germany’s Taurus cruise missiles, as well as critical capabilities in “reconnaissance, communication, navigation,” and “early missile detection.”

Europe’s reliance on Elon Musk’s Starlink constellation has been starkly demonstrated in the Ukraine conflict, where the company deployed approximately 50,000 ground terminals to secure Kyiv’s battle-critical internet connectivity.

In both Berlin and Brussels, concerns have long persisted that the US government, especially under the current administration of President Donald Trump, could leverage these critical dependencies for geopolitical leverage.

Starlink erodes European market share

The rapid expansion of SpaceX and its satellite internet subsidiary, Starlink, poses a direct economic threat to German and European industrial players.

Musk has successfully deployed more than 10,000 communication satellites into Low Earth Orbit (LEO). In the future, the company could compete directly with established terrestrial network operators like Deutsche Telekom on a national scale.

Starlink is already eroding the market share of European aerospace firms in the satellite communications market. In recent years, industry champions such as Airbus and Thales Alenia Space (TAS) have been forced to lay off thousands of workers due to increasingly unprofitable space contracts.

While the EU is actively seeking to protect and stimulate its domestic space sector, its regulatory instruments face stiff resistance. The proposed EU Space Law, introduced in June last year to unify national frameworks, is not expected to enter into force before January 1, 2030.

The draft legislation has already drawn sharp criticism from Washington, which claims the law restricts competition.

In practice, the regulation would impose significant compliance costs on US space enterprises operating within the EU, forcing them to meet strict European technical, cybersecurity, and environmental standards.

Germany’s sovereign space ambitions

To bolster its domestic space capabilities, Germany has significantly increased its financial commitments. Last year, Berlin announced during the European Space Agency (ESA) Council of Ministers meeting that it would raise its contribution to the overall ESA budget to €5 billion.

More crucially, alongside the presentation of its inaugural space security strategy in November 2025, the German government announced it would allocate €35 billion to domestic space initiatives through 2030.

Berlin is currently pursuing several ambitious military space programs. Chief among them is a Bundeswehr plan to develop a proprietary satellite communications network designed to compete directly with Starlink.

Dubbed the “German Starlink,” the project—officially designated SATCOMBw Level 4—envisions a dense constellation of communication satellites operating in Low Earth Orbit at altitudes between 200 and 2,000 kilometers.

The initial phase of the project aims to deploy between 100 and 200 satellites to securely interconnect German troops and military hardware.

Additionally, last December, the German government awarded a €1.7 billion contract to a joint venture between defense contractor Rheinmetall and Finnish satellite startup ICEYE. The program aims to deploy a constellation of 40 Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) satellites into orbit by the end of the decade.

SAR satellites provide high-resolution imaging of ground activity under all weather conditions, day or night.

Together, these two major programs are designed to secure the Bundeswehr’s operational independence from US-controlled communication and reconnaissance infrastructure.

Berlin sidelines Paris in orbit

However, Germany’s pursuit of strategic autonomy has triggered friction with its closest European ally, France.

For the SATCOMBw Level 4 “German Starlink” project, Airbus Defence and Space was initially positioned as a leading contender. The company already operates the Bundeswehr’s existing SATCOMBw communication infrastructure, giving it a technical advantage over domestic competitors like Bremen-based OHB.

However, Airbus manufactures its satellites primarily at facilities located in France, whereas Berlin is demanding strict national control over the production and operation of the network.

Major General Armin Fleischmann, who is responsible for the planning and implementation of space projects within the Bundeswehr, confirmed that there is no intention to outsource contracts of this nature abroad.

While Fleischmann acknowledged that certain specialized components would inevitably have to be procured from “Western partners,” including France, the federal government intends to keep this foreign share as minimal as possible.

Consequently, a joint venture between Rheinmetall and Bremen-based OHB is now widely regarded as the finalized prime contractor for the “German Starlink” initiative.

The partnership was officially established on Thursday. While Airbus may still participate in the project, sources indicate it will only be permitted to do so in a secondary, supporting capacity.

Europe

NATO unveils 32-nation defence strategy to counter adversaries

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NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) Alexus Grynkewich has unveiled a new defence strategy aimed at rendering any attack against an alliance member entirely futile.

Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, Grynkewich said the concept, titled the “Theory of War”, is designed to prevent hostile elements from infiltrating NATO territory and waging conflict there.

Arguing that they aim to reassure the one billion people living within the alliance’s borders, Grynkewich maintained that they also wish to send a message to adversaries such as Russia that NATO is prepared for a potential invasion.

“If we are attacked, we are ready to fight even tonight,” Grynkewich said.

Three-stage defence plan enters into force

Approved by all 32 alliance members, the plan combines land forces and conventional weapons systems with advanced technologies such as unmanned aerial vehicles, counter-drone systems, and artificial intelligence.

Lessons drawn from ground and air combat in Ukraine, as well as current conflicts in the Middle East, play a decisive role in shaping the strategy.

According to Grynkewich, the new defence doctrine rests on three fundamental phases that form the core of NATO’s approach:

The first pillar of the plan, the “block” phase, focuses on preventing hostile forces from seizing allied territory.

In this context, NATO ground components will engage directly with attacking units, restrict their manoeuvrability, and neutralise forces attempting to breach alliance borders.

Should the assault continue, the second phase (“blunt”) will come into play, deploying autonomous systems requiring minimal human intervention alongside advanced sensor networks to slow the momentum of the attack and wear down advancing forces.

These systems will detect threats in real time, combining capabilities across different operational domains to halt the adversary’s advance.

The final stage, the “break” phase, will target not the attacking units directly, but the operational warfighting system that sustains them.

Command centres, supply chains, and logistics routes will be struck using long-range precision strike systems and sensor networks, eliminating the adversary’s ability to sustain military operations.

“Enemy commanders will not be able to direct their troops, their supply lines will be severed, and their logistics vehicles will be destroyed,” Grynkewich said.

Strategy aims to defend borders rather than gain territory

Noting that NATO has no intention of acquiring territory and that the strategy is entirely defence-oriented, Grynkewich said, “We have no plan, intention, or ambition beyond protecting our citizens and our territory.”

Stating that he considers the likelihood of a direct attack on alliance territory to be low, the commander nevertheless stated that they would respond without hesitation to any attempt targeting allies.

Addressing questions regarding US commitment to the alliance, Grynkewich recalled that Washington reaffirmed its adherence to Article 5 at the NATO summit in July.

Article 5, which forms the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle, stipulates that an armed attack against one ally is considered an attack against all members.

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Germany detains two Turkish suspects over Polish Starlink arson

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Polish authorities have announced that German police detained two Turkish citizens suspected of setting fire to a Starlink station near Warsaw last month.

Tomasz Siemoniak, Poland’s minister coordinating the special services, told a news conference in Warsaw on Monday that Poland has requested the suspects’ extradition and has “no doubt” that Russian secret services were behind the arson attack.

“It should also be noted that Russian intelligence agencies are increasingly turning to people linked to the criminal underworld,” Siemoniak said at the press conference.

In a post on X, Prime Minister Donald Tusk described the incident as another “act of hybrid warfare” and said those responsible for the sabotage would be brought to justice in Poland.

Interior Minister Marcin Kierwinski said the two Turkish citizens would be charged in Poland with carrying out an act of sabotage on the orders of a foreign intelligence agency.

Power supply equipment at a Starlink ground station serving Eastern Europe, including Poland and Ukraine, caught fire on the night of 23 September.

The incident did not cause a major disruption to internet service. The blaze, however, completely destroyed the station’s electrical system and backup generator.

Poland, a key transit route for Western aid to Ukraine, has faced a series of suspicious incidents recently.

Numerous cyberattacks have targeted public utilities, including water and energy infrastructure as well as hospitals.

In addition, damage to a railway line between Warsaw and the Ukrainian border was attributed by officials to Russian sabotage.

In late July, a Russian missile also landed in Poland.

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LSE study finds post-bailout Greece turned into a cafe economy

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A new study prepared by the Hellenic Observatory at the London School of Economics (LSE) has examined the structural transformation of the Greek economy following the bailout era.

According to reporting by the Greek Reporter, the study titled “The Café Economy”, authored by Michalis Nikiforos, Vlassis Missos, Christos Perros, and Nikolaos Rodousakis, revealed that the country has become excessively dependent on Accommodation and Food Service Activities (AFSA), a sector encompassing all tourism-related fields including restaurants, bars, hotels, entertainment, and short-term rentals.

The researchers pointed to a fundamental issue that is often overlooked behind the “café economy” characterisation. According to the study, despite promises of a new “development model”, Greece has over the last 15 years remained trapped in a growth cycle built on an exceptionally fragile foundation.

Labour productivity declined as tourism expanded

The study reported that following austerity policies and structural reforms that liberalised labour and product markets, tourism-linked activities expanded disproportionately compared to other sectors. This unbalanced growth became one of the primary drivers of the economy’s broader loss of productivity.

Contrary to the productivity gains promised by bailout reforms, an opposite trend took hold across the Greek economy. While labour productivity suffered a steep decline, employment shifted toward low-productivity sectors, led by accommodation and food services.

The researchers identified the contraction in aggregate demand and the sharp erosion of real wages as the main causes of this productivity collapse. Between 2009 and 2024, labour productivity fell by 16% and remained below pre-crisis levels.

The slide in real wages was even more pronounced. Across the country, real wages dropped by between 26% and 35%, while losses in the tourism sector reached as high as 60%. The authors described this outcome as a severe process of income redistribution operating against labour.

The shift of employment toward the AFSA sector accounted for approximately one-third of the total decline in labour productivity. The loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs in productive sectors such as manufacturing, alongside the scarcity of employment in high-technology and innovation fields, deepened this decline.

Greece enters regression under a dual model

According to the study, Greece’s development model is displaying a historical regression by evolving into a “dual” structure typically observed in underdeveloped or transition economies. In this model, economic growth relies on deploying labour, cheapened through wage suppression, into low-productivity sectors.

Noting that the three bailout programmes implemented between 2010 and 2018 triggered a deep recession instead of boosting competitiveness, the researchers stated that the Greek economy has never fully emerged from this slump.

The study also recalled that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had in the past apologised for underestimating the negative impacts of severe fiscal contraction.

Educated young population works in low-wage jobs

Data published by the LSE showed that the workforce in the AFSA sector underwent a fundamental transformation between 2009 and 2023:

Employment in the sector surged by 87%. Gross Value Added recorded 11% growth. AFSA became the largest employer in the Greek economy.

On the other hand, the sector is characterised by low wages, precarious working conditions, and an increase in part-time work. Although the educational attainment of tourism employees has risen, workers are increasingly employed below their qualifications.

Eurostat figures confirm that Greece, behind Spain, has one of the highest rates in Europe of young graduates who are overqualified yet employed in unskilled jobs.

More than 86% of young university graduates working in the tourism and hospitality sector are employed below their qualification levels.

Structural risks deepen while external balance improves

The report titled “The Café Economy” listed the advantages along with the severe vulnerabilities generated by this development path:

The positive effect emerged in the external balance. The tourism sector provided a significant contribution to correcting the current account balance. The trade surplus in travel services rose by five percentage points between 2009 and 2023, covering approximately half of the total current account deficit contraction over the same period.

Conversely, overreliance on tourism and a low-productivity, low-wage, labour-intensive services economy brought heavy structural weaknesses:

Social and environmental degradation: The disproportionate growth of the sector lays the ground for environmental and cultural deterioration, frequently described through the concept of “overtourism”.

Housing crisis: The proliferation of short-term rentals and foreign property acquisitions drives up rents, making housing costs unaffordable for local workers.

External dependence: As the café economy expands at the expense of other sectors, reliance on external demand and seasonal fluctuations multiplies; entire regions remain exposed to shifts in tourist flows.

The researchers warned that low-wage policies erode economic competitiveness over the long term by weakening incentives for technological innovation and progress.

Noting that the thesis claiming market liberalisation automatically delivers productivity has been undermined by the Greek experience, the study stated that dependence on low-productivity sectors such as AFSA creates an economic dilemma. Even if these activities support demand and foreign currency inflows, they damage long-term productivity and social sustainability.

The report noted: “A successful way out for Greece requires policies that do not merely stimulate demand, but also strategically promote high-productivity sectors, support technological upgrading, and ensure inclusive growth. Without such a change of course, the ‘café economy’ risks becoming not a temporary adjustment process, but a long-term stagnation equilibrium.”

The study concluded with a call to re-evaluate structural reforms in light of real economic and institutional conditions, and to prioritise development focused on high productivity.

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