Following the early federal elections on February 23, the Christian Democrats (CDU), after emerging as the leading party and deciding to form a coalition with the third-placed SPD, are signaling a more “nuanced” approach to the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a party with which they had previously refused any association.

Despite the black-red (CDU/CSU-SPD) coalition agreement including a clause to avoid any contact with the “far right,” it has been reported that some AfD members of parliament are seeking cooperation by engaging in “backdoor” discussions with other parties in the parliament.

Speaking to POLITICO, AfD officials stated that certain AfD parliamentarians have been establishing connections with members of other parties behind closed doors and have received signals of support for the group, which advocates anti-immigration and anti-EU policies, to chair key parliamentary panels.

The AfD has become the main opposition party in the Federal Parliament, securing over 20% of the vote and winning 152 seats, which entitles it to chair various committees.

These positions hold real power, as committee chairs guide discussions, summon expert witnesses, and influence the legislative agenda.

Jens Spahn, a heavyweight in the CDU and former health minister, told Bild that the AfD should be treated “like any other opposition party in parliamentary procedure and processes.”

He added that the parliamentarians “are sitting there so strongly because the voters wanted to tell us something” and that “we have to take these voters seriously.”

Up until now, the AfD has repeatedly been prevented from taking the vice-presidency of the Federal Parliament, a role historically given to each parliamentary group.

Johann Wadephul, deputy chairman of the CDU/CSU parliamentary group, argued that the blockade has helped the AfD claim victimhood.

Wadephul told RND that he would support AfD candidates being allowed to chair committees “if they have not behaved inappropriately in the past.”

During the election campaign, Merz attempted to pass a law on immigration by relying on votes from the AfD in parliament, which drew much criticism.

According to POLITICO, the CDU’s strategy appears to be shifting toward giving the far right responsibilities and airtime, “in the hope that people won’t like it.”

CDU parliamentarian Philipp Amthor, seen as a rising star within the party, told faz newspaper, “There is a legitimate point that this party must be pushed back through passionate and substantive debates, not procedural tricks.”

However, not all CDU members are embracing this new attitude. Roderich Kiesewetter, a long-serving parliamentarian, described the AfD as “a security threat to Germany,” arguing to broadcaster RBB that “AfD members of parliament do not belong on the parliamentary oversight panel that oversees the intelligence services, just as they do not belong on the budget trust committee.”

Last week, the SPD, which entered into a government agreement with Merz’s party, has already begun to clash with the CDU on this issue. Speaking to Tagesspiegel, SPD Parliamentary Secretary Katja Mast said, “The AfD is not a party like any other. We will protect our democratic institutions, especially our parliament, with complete resolve.”

Negotiations for committee chairmanships are still ongoing and are likely to conclude after May 6, when Merz is expected to be sworn in.

The potential for Palantir, a data analytics company known for its ties to the new Trump administration and the Pentagon in the US, to surveil all of Germany in the future has sparked debate.

According to the coalition agreement between the CDU/CSU and SPD, the next German government plans to facilitate police access to automated data searches. This requires standardized analysis software like Palantir’s.

The traffic light coalition, which dissolved in November, and SPD Interior Minister Nancy Faeser had rejected the use of Palantir. Instead, a separate IT system was to be developed to enable more efficient analysis of the increasing volume of data.

However, according to a report in the Berliner Zeitung, the CDU/CSU and SPD agreed in coalition negotiations that the CSU would take over the Federal Ministry of the Interior in the future, which means that Palantir would have a greater chance at the federal level.

In Bavaria, where the CSU is in power, the state police have been using the US company’s software since August of last year.

According to the Bavarian Ministry of the Interior, the cross-procedural research and analysis platform VeRA makes it possible to “quickly and reliably analyze and process large amounts of data from a wide variety of sources and to produce important findings at high speed.”

Hessen and North Rhine-Westphalia are also currently using Palantir. According to information obtained from Bayerischer Rundfunk, Berlin and Baden-Württemberg are also currently considering cooperating with the company.

The Federal Council is also increasing pressure for the nationwide use of the software. In a motion for a resolution on March 21, the Council called for “the central provision of a jointly operated data analysis platform in the short term, as is used by some state police forces.”

Although Palantir is not mentioned by name, the motion leaves little doubt as to the intended solution. It is not yet clear whether the black-red (CDU-SPD) federal government will implement the Federal Council’s plan, but the signs are increasing.

For now, resistance is coming from the Greens. Security policy spokesman Konstantin von Notz told the taz newspaper, “Palantir has been highly controversial for many years for a number of reasons,” arguing that the software has never met their expectations of security policies. The Green politician pointed out that even the European police agency Europol is now refraining from using this software.

Von Notz also emphasized that the use of the software involves significant risks under European and constitutional law. The software has already been criticized many times at the state level. The Green MP said, “Especially in view of the extremely unstable behavior of the Trump administration and the company management’s dubious connections, we believe that the issue of use should in any case be completely reassessed.”

Criticism of Palantir comes primarily from human rights and data protection organizations. These organizations criticize, among other things, the lack of data security, its proximity to the US government, and the potential misuse of the software.

Palantir is seen by many as a “data octopus”: the company develops technologies that can analyze large amounts of data, including personal data. Critics fear that this could lead to mass surveillance and “transparent citizens.”

The company’s close cooperation with the US military and the Pentagon is also criticized. Palantir is accused of being part of surveillance and war technologies. The company is also part of immigrant surveillance activities in American border regions.

Alex Karp, the CEO of Palantir, which recently signed an agreement with NATO, called on Silicon Valley to take action to “defend” the US and Western civilization.

According to Danish television TV2, Copenhagen plans to send troops to Ukraine this summer to learn directly from the country’s forces how to use unmanned aerial vehicles on the battlefield.

“It is important that not only I, but also those who carry out operations [with unmanned aerial vehicles] every day, gain this experience,” said Danish Chief of Defense Peter Boysen, noting that unmanned aerial vehicles account for more than 70% of the losses inflicted on Russian forces by Ukraine.

The Danish Ministry of Defense previously stated that it had sent personnel to Ukraine to exchange experiences, but that these personnel were only at the management level, according to local media Jyllands-Posten.

Moscow is not pleased. The Russian embassy in Denmark said the decision “contradicts existing attempts to find a political and diplomatic solution to the conflict in Ukraine.”

It also emphasized that it would “endanger the lives of Danish soldiers” and make them a “legitimate target” for Russian attacks.

Boysen insisted that the training would take place away from the front line in the western part of the country, adding, “If there is a missile attack, the Ukrainians have really good early warning systems and good shelters.”

According to the Kiel Institute, Denmark has been among Kyiv’s most steadfast supporters since Russia’s full-scale invasion in early 2022, providing aid worth 2.3% of its GDP.