Connect with us

America

New US national security strategy: The end of globalization and the return of the Monroe Doctrine

Published

on

The Donald Trump administration’s new National Security Strategy (NSS), the publication of which had been delayed for a long time, has been released.

The 33-page document shapes the security perspective of the US at both global and national levels.

In writing the foreword for NSS 2025, Trump claims that they have turned the US back from “destruction and disaster” since the first day of his second presidential term. He asserts that after “four years of weakness, extremism, and deadly failures,” his administration has restored the power of the US at home and abroad at “historic speed” and brought “peace and stability” to the world.

Stating that “No country, region, issue, or cause—no matter how worthy—can be the focus of American strategy,” NSS 2025 points out that the purpose of foreign policy is the “protection of fundamental national interests.”

Argued that American strategies formed since the end of the Cold War have been insufficient, the new NSS criticizes relevant strategies for consisting merely of “a list of aspirations or desired end states.”

Suggesting that previous strategies failed to “clearly define what the US wanted,” NSS 2025 believes that instead, expressions consisting of “vague clichés” were used, and often, “what the US should want” was evaluated incorrectly.

NSS 2025 states the following:

“Since the end of the Cold War, American foreign policy elites convinced themselves that permanent American dominance over the entire world was in our country’s best interest. However, the affairs of other countries concern us only insofar as their activities directly threaten our interests.”

Viewing the “nation-building” processes of the US, particularly in the Middle East, critically, NSS 2025 says, “Our elites vastly miscalculated the willingness of the American people to forever bear global burdens that they viewed as having no connection to national interests.”

The strategy document argues that previous foreign policymakers overestimated the ability of the US to simultaneously fund a massive military, diplomatic, intelligence, and foreign aid complex alongside a massive social welfare, regulatory, and administrative state. It asserts that they made “extremely wrong and destructive bets” on globalization and free trade, thereby hollowing out “the middle class and industrial base upon which the American economy and military superiority depend.”

Directing criticisms at international institutions as well as the US bearing the burden of its “allies,” NSS 2025 says the following:

“They allowed allies and partners to offload defense costs onto the American people and sometimes drag us into conflicts and disputes that were central to their interests but insignificant or irrelevant to ours. And they tethered American policy to a network of international institutions, some driven by open anti-Americanism, and most by a transnational approach explicitly aiming to eliminate individual state sovereignty. In short, our elites not only pursued a fundamentally unwanted and impossible goal, but in doing so, they also undermined the means necessary to achieve that goal—namely, the character of our nation, which forms the foundation of our power, wealth, and morality.”

Describing Trump’s policies as a “necessary correction,” the new NSS argues that the US primarily wants “the government to ensure the existence and security of the US as an independent, sovereign republic that secures the God-given natural rights of its citizens and prioritizes their welfare and interests.”

Emphasizing the desire to protect the country from “military attacks and hostile foreign influences such as espionage, predatory trade practices, drug and human trafficking, destructive propaganda and influence operations, cultural destruction, or other threats to our nation,” NSS 2025 counts full control over borders, the immigration system, and transportation networks where people enter the US “legally and illegally” among its fundamental goals.

Placing special emphasis on military capacity, the NSS writes, “To protect the American people, America’s assets abroad, and its allies, we want to possess the world’s most robust, reliable, and modern nuclear deterrence system and next-generation missile defense systems, including a Golden Dome for the American homeland.”

Acknowledging that the US industrial base is also critical for its global-military role, NSS 2025 announces that it will prioritize industrial policies:

“American national power depends on a strong industrial sector capable of meeting production demands in peacetime and wartime. This requires not only direct defense industry production capacity but also defense-related production capacity. Developing American industrial power must become the highest priority of national economic policy.”

Going for a “correction” regarding American “soft power” as well, NSS 2025 declares that while displaying the soft power of the US, they will respect the different religions, cultures, and governance systems of other countries “without feeling regret about the country’s past and present.”

The document states, “‘Soft power’ that serves America’s true national interests can only be effective when we believe in our country’s innate greatness and honesty.”

In this context, listing its expectations from the world, the American administration declares with an overt reference to the Monroe Doctrine that it will not allow a breach in US hegemony in the “Western Hemisphere”:

“We want to ensure the Western Hemisphere is a reasonably stable and well-governed region to prevent and deter mass migration to the United States; we want a Hemisphere where governments cooperate with us against narco-terrorists, cartels, and other international criminal organizations; we want a Hemisphere that is not subject to hostile foreign attacks or the seizure of significant assets and that supports critical supply chains; and we want to maintain our access to key strategic locations. In other words, we will add a ‘Trump Corollary’ to the Monroe Doctrine and enforce it.”

The document openly declares that after “years of neglect,” the US will reinstate and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American superiority in the “Western Hemisphere” and to “protect the homeland and access to key geographical areas in the region.”

NSS 2025 states, “We will prevent adversaries outside the Hemisphere from positioning forces or other threatening capabilities in our hemisphere or from owning or controlling assets of vital strategic importance”:

“Our goals for the Western Hemisphere can be summarized as ‘Enlist and Expand.’ We will enlist our established friends in the hemisphere to control migration, stop the flow of drugs, and strengthen stability and security on land and at sea. While increasing our country’s appeal as the hemisphere’s preferred economic and security partner, we will expand by developing and strengthening new partners.”

In this context, it is stated that the global military presence of the US will also be re-evaluated with the Western Hemisphere in mind.

Stopping and reversing the damage caused by “foreign actors” to the American economy, while also keeping the Indo-Pacific region “free and open,” protecting freedom of navigation on all major sea lanes, and “maintaining secure and reliable supply chains and access to critical materials” are also among the priorities of NSS 2025.

Stating that they want to support allies in “protecting Europe’s freedom and security” while Europe restores “self-confidence” in its own civilization and its “Western identity,” NSS 2025 appears to continue the criticism of “endless wars” that began during the Barack Obama era by saying, “We want to prevent a hostile power from dominating the Middle East, its oil and natural gas resources, and the chokepoints through which they pass, and at the same time prevent the ‘endless wars’ that drag us into a quagmire in that region at great cost.”

Noting that they want to ensure US technology and US standards lead the world forward, particularly in the fields of artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing, the new strategy asserts that all these are “fundamental and vital national interests” of the US and states, “While we have other interests, these are the interests we must focus on above all else, and which will be to our detriment if we ignore or neglect them”:

“President Trump’s foreign policy is pragmatic without being ‘pragmatist,’ realistic without being ‘realist,’ principled without being ‘idealist,’ strong without being ‘hawkish,’ and measured without being ‘dovish.’ It is not based on traditional political ideology. It focuses above all on what works for America, in two words: ‘America First.’”

Stopping regional conflicts before they turn into “global wars dragging in entire continents” is seen as a priority of this administration.

Stating, “A world on fire, where wars reach our shores, is bad for American interests,” NSS 2025 claims that Trump uses “unconventional diplomacy,” “America’s military power,” and “economic leverage” to “surgically extinguish” the sparks of violent wars caused by divisions between nuclear-armed countries and “centuries-old hatred.”

Continuing to point to the magnitude of the US military power globally and the reserve currency role of the dollar, the document underscores that, in addition to these, they will revitalize the “culture of competence” and competitiveness by reversing diversity policies known as “DEI.”

Making a “middle class” emphasis as well, the document points specifically to energy and industrialization:

“To support growth and innovation, strengthen and rebuild the middle class, unleashing our massive energy production capacity as a strategic priority;

To re-industrialize our economy to further support the middle class and control our own supply chains and production capacity.”

In this context, the document values the role of tax cuts and deregulation and dreams of making the US “the most suitable place to do business and invest capital.”

In this regard, it is emphasized that the Trump administration’s foreign policy will be guided by the following principles:

  • Focused Definition of National Interests
  • Peace Through Strength
  • Inclination Toward Non-Intervention
  • Flexible Realism
  • Primacy of Nations
  • Sovereignty and Respect
  • Balance of Power
  • Supporting the American Worker
  • Justice
  • Competence and Merit

NSS 2025 states in this context that the era of mass migration has ended; fundamental rights and freedoms will be defended; burdens will be both shared and differentiated; rearrangements will be made through peace; and importance will be given to economic security through balanced trade, industrialization, and securing access to critical supply chains.

America

Trump nominates federal prosecutor Jay Clayton to lead national intelligence agency

Published

on

US President Donald Trump, following controversies over experience in Congress, has nominated Jay Clayton, the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York, to lead the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI), the nation’s most senior intelligence post.

The selection, which will fill the vacancy left by incumbent Director Tulsi Gabbard when she departs on June 30, comes after turbulent weeks following Trump’s appointment of Bill Pulte as acting director.

“There are very few people in the legal community who are as highly respected as Jay,” Trump said in a statement on his social media platform, Truth Social, calling on the US Senate to confirm Clayton’s nomination as quickly as possible.

A political independent, Clayton has served since August 2025 as the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York—a position legal experts describe as the most powerful post within the Department of Justice.

Trump had nominated Clayton to this post shortly after winning the 2024 presidential election, describing him as “a tough fighter for the facts.”

From Wall Street lawyer to federal prosecutor

Born in West Virginia, Clayton began his legal career from 1993 to 1995 as a law clerk to Judge Marvin Katz of the US District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

He then worked at the Sullivan & Cromwell law firm from 1995 to 2017, first as an associate and later as a partner. During this period, Clayton represented major financial institutions such as Goldman Sachs, building a multi-million dollar fortune during his time as a Wall Street lawyer.

In 2017, at the beginning of his first presidential term, Trump nominated Clayton to chair the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). During his confirmation process, Clayton pledged to fully sever ties with his law firm and his Wall Street clients, which included Barclays Bank, Royal Bank of Canada, and Deutsche Bank AG.

After the Office of Government Ethics determined that there was no conflict of interest, Clayton was confirmed by the Senate in May 2017 by a 61-37 vote and assumed office.

Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Republican, praised the nomination and said he looked forward to Clayton’s leadership, while Democrats, including Senator Elizabeth Warren, voted against him due to his Wall Street ties.

During his tenure as SEC chairman, Clayton frequently testified before Congress on issues such as market integrity, digital asset regulation, cybersecurity, and US-China economic interdependence. After leaving office, he returned to Sullivan & Cromwell while also taking on executive roles at Apollo Global Management and American Express.

He also continued his academic work, serving as an adjunct professor at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School since 2009 and at the Wharton School since 2021.

Between 2022 and 2025, he co-chaired the university’s Institute for Law and Economics.

New York prosecution

In June 2020, Trump announced he would appoint Clayton to the post of US Attorney for the Southern District of New York after dismissing then-US Attorney Geoffrey Berman.

Clayton expressed interest in the position but did not comment on whether he was aware that Berman would be dismissed.

The appointment did not materialize at the time, and Audrey Strauss was appointed to the role.

Clayton was nominated again for the US Attorney post for the Southern District of New York in 2025, at the beginning of Trump’s second term.

Clayton sought the office to replace an interim judge who had refused to assist the Department of Justice in dropping charges against New York City Mayor Eric Adams.

Clayton’s appointment, which was not directly confirmed by the Senate, was finalized by the court’s own approval. At the time, The Wall Street Journal commented that Clayton, who typically avoided political controversies, found himself in the midst of a “partisan battle” with this move.

The most notable process conducted by Clayton’s prosecution office was the indictment and litigation process initiated in January against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro on charges of “narco-terrorism” and other offenses.

Clayton’s team also played critical roles in reviewing documents related to Jeffrey Epstein and in the case of an Iraqi citizen accused of plotting attacks on US soil on behalf of Iran.

Recently, The New York Times claimed that Clayton spent frequent time with Trump, played golf, and was “often absent” from his office.

Like Bill Pulte, Jay Clayton has no prior experience in the intelligence world. Trump’s previous choice, Bill Pulte, had been accused of targeting Trump’s political opponents by filing criminal complaints over mortgage fraud allegations during his tenure as director of the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA).

While none of these cases resulted in convictions, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) launched an investigation into how the FHFA conducted its investigative processes.

Pulte’s lack of intelligence-gathering experience and the politically charged investigations he initiated drew intense criticism in Congress.

In this new phase, however, members of Congress have reacted more positively to Clayton’s nomination. Republican Senator John Thune said of Clayton, “I think he is a highly qualified professional with great skills to manage complex problems.”

Senator Mark Warner, the ranking Democrat on the committee that will vote on the nomination, also described Clayton as “very qualified.” According to The New York Times, CIA Director John Ratcliffe also supported Clayton’s appointment to the post.

Statements on election security

Days before being nominated as Director of National Intelligence, Clayton appeared as a guest on CNBC, where he addressed the possibility of irregularities in California’s elections.

Speaking about election security during the June 8 broadcast, Clayton said, “We are doing an absolutely terrible job, and the American people are right to question it.”

Arguing that the state’s laws—which allow mail-in ballots to be sent to all voters and allow votes to arrive after Election Day—”create opportunities for irregularities,” Clayton’s claims came at a time when Trump was asserting, without providing any evidence, that the elections were “rigged.”

Jay Clayton, who holds a bachelor’s degree in engineering from the University of Pennsylvania, completed his graduate studies at King’s College, Cambridge. He received his law degree in 1993, also from the University of Pennsylvania.

Continue Reading

America

US inflation climbs to three-year high as energy prices surge

Published

on

US inflation accelerated to 4.2% in May, the highest level since April 2023, driven by a surge in energy prices linked to the Iran war.

Inflation rose above 4% for the first time in three years, though the increase was broadly in line with expectations amid concerns over how far higher energy costs would ripple through the economy.

The reading marked the highest level since April 2023 and exceeded April’s 3.8% rate.

On a monthly basis, inflation increased at a slower pace than in April, potentially signaling that the worst of the recent price pressures may have passed.

Another encouraging sign was a slight decline in gasoline prices.

Asked about the Bureau of Labor Statistics report on Wednesday, President Donald Trump said, “I love inflation,” and argued that oil prices had fallen because “we destroyed 22 ships last night.”

According to the report, much of the increase in inflation stemmed from a 3.9% rise in energy prices, which pushed the 12-month increase in that category to 23.5%.

Core CPI, which excludes the more volatile food and energy components and is widely viewed by analysts as a better indicator of future inflation trends, offered some grounds for optimism.

Core prices rose 0.2% in May, down from a 0.4% increase in April and below analysts’ expectations for a 0.3% gain.

Core goods prices fell 0.1% on a monthly basis, suggesting underlying price pressures remained contained.

On an annual basis, CPI increased 2.9%, in line with economists’ expectations.

Ground beef, roast beef and steak prices declined last month, although the parasitic fly outbreak reported in the United States last week could complicate logistics for farmers and contribute to higher prices.

Food prices rose just 0.2%, while shelter costs — a key component for Federal Reserve policy decisions — increased 0.3%, half the pace recorded in April.

Shelter, which accounts for more than one-third of the CPI basket, rose 3.4% from a year earlier.

Government and industry officials stressed that the insect, whose name has attracted widespread attention, does not pose an immediate threat to food supplies.

Meanwhile, transportation services prices fell 0.6%, potentially indicating that higher energy costs have not yet spread broadly across other sectors.

Similarly, services excluding energy services — another measure closely watched for signs of oil-price pass-through effects — rose 0.3% after increasing 0.5% in April.

New vehicle prices fell 0.3%, while used car and truck prices edged up 0.1%.

However, airline fares, a clearer indicator of energy costs feeding through to consumer prices, rose 2.7%, while motor vehicle insurance prices fell 1.7%.

As for interest rates, few observers expect the Federal Reserve to cut rates when it delivers its first policy statement under new Chair Kevin Warsh next Wednesday.

Market expectations point to just one rate move this year: an increase in December.

Continue Reading

America

US nuclear weapons spending jumps 22% to $69.2 billion, ICAN says

Published

on

US spending on nuclear weapons rose by 22% in 2025 compared with the previous year, according to a report published by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN).

Washington spent $69.2 billion on its nuclear arsenal during the year, a figure that exceeded the combined nuclear weapons expenditures of all other nuclear-armed states.

The world’s nine nuclear powers — the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea — increased total spending on their arsenals by 19%, reaching a record $119 billion.

China ranked second in spending with $13.5 billion. The United Kingdom spent $12.6 billion, overtaking Russia to become the third-largest spender. France’s nuclear weapons expenditure reached $7.7 billion.

According to data cited in the ICAN report, nuclear-armed states have spent a combined $471 billion on their arsenals over the past five years.

The report emphasized that the amount spent on nuclear weapons in a single day during 2025 would have been sufficient to provide food for 2 million people for a year, while total annual spending could fund the United Nations’ regular budget for 32 years.

Before those developments, Russian Foreign Ministry Ambassador-at-Large Andrey Belousov commented on the issue.

Belousov said Russia continues to insist on the withdrawal of US nuclear weapons from Europe and the dismantling of all infrastructure established in the region to support their deployment.

Under its nuclear-sharing programme, the United States has stationed nuclear weapons in NATO countries across Europe since the 1950s.

Today, US-made B61 nuclear bombs are stored at military bases in Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Türkiye.

Although NATO does not possess its own nuclear weapons, operational control over those weapons remains with Washington.

Earlier, the Financial Times reported that the United States was considering expanding its nuclear presence in Europe beyond the countries currently participating in the nuclear-sharing programme.

According to the newspaper, Poland and the Baltic states had expressed interest in hosting US nuclear weapons.

Sources cited by the Financial Times linked those discussions to concerns among European allies that the United States could reduce its military presence in the region.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey