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Recent Turmoil in China’s Neighboring Countries: Causes and Trends

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In handling international relations and diplomatic affairs, China has always adhered to an important strategic principle: “major countries as the key, neighboring countries as the priority, developing countries as the foundation, and multilateral forums as the stage.” Neighboring regions are an important foundation for China’s development and prosperity, a key area for safeguarding national security, a top priority in shaping overall diplomatic strategy, and a critical factor in promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. Therefore, stability and security in the neighboring regions are of vital importance to China, and managing relations with neighboring countries stands as a major focus of China’s diplomacy. On this basis, the recent turmoil in neighboring countries such as Nepal, Myanmar, Thailand, and Indonesia deserves careful study and attention.

Causes of Recent Political Turmoil in Neighboring Countries of China

Nepal. The decree issued by the Oli government to shut down over 20 unregistered social media platforms directly triggered strong dissatisfaction among Gen Z youth, serving as the fuse that ignited this round of large-scale social unrest in Nepal. The direct causes are as follows:

1) Young people believe that the Nepalese government is stifling their freedom of speech.

2) Young people are extremely dissatisfied with the corruption in Nepal and the phenomenon of “second-generation rich” showing off their wealth online.

3) The unemployment rate among young people is high, and the Internet is their main means of obtaining economic income.

4) The Internet is the main communication channel between Nepalese citizens and overseas citizens.

However, these are only the superficial manifestations of the contradictions. The deeper crux lies in the corruption of government officials, the widening gap between the rich and the poor in society, and the struggles between political parties. In this incident, the Nepalese people did not target a single political party or its leader; instead, they directed their anger at all political parties, the entire government, and the entire elite or ruling class. This dissatisfaction stems from their discontent with national development and government governance. Essentially, the interweaving of economic stagnation, disordered governance, and the neglect of people’s livelihood has trapped Nepal in a vicious cycle of “protest-suppression-more intense protest”.

Indonesia. The fuse of this round of unrest in Indonesia was the bill passed by the Great Indonesia Movement Party-to which President Prabowo belongs-in the parliament in August this year. The bill proposed a 50 million Indonesian rupiah (approximately 3,000 US dollars) housing allowance increase for members of parliament. For context, the monthly salary of an ordinary Indonesian wage earner is only 5 million Indonesian rupiah. Coupled with the nationwide “Free Nutritious Meal Program” launched in February (which involves the military engaging in business activities) and the subsequent passage of the Amendment to the Indonesian National Armed Forces Law by the parliament (which relates to the military’s intervention in politics), this series of events triggered widespread public concern and anger over the government’s fiscal direction. The protest groups, which were previously dominated by students, expanded to include a broad participation of workers, the unemployed, and the middle class. While the protests were targeted at specific “policies”, their core criticism was directed at Prabowo himself and the military forces he represents behind the scenes. This is because the new policies introduced by Prabowo fail to fundamentally address Indonesia’s underemployment dilemma or increase Indonesians’ incomes. Instead, they may trigger new fiscal instability and inject uncertainties into Indonesia’s political, economic, and social sectors. Essentially, Indonesia’s protests and the subsequent unrest are the result of long-standing structural issues combined with the accumulation of a series of short-term incidents.

Thailand. The recent turmoil in Thailand originated from the border conflict between Thailand and Cambodia, specifically regarding the ownership of the Preah Vihear Temple and its surrounding areas, which subsequently escalated into a military conflict between the two countries. In June, Paetongtarn Shinawatra called Hun Sen, the de facto leader of Cambodia, to discuss the escalating border tensions. However, Hun Sen publicly released the audio recording of their conversation. This “phone gate incident” ultimately led to Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s resignation in disgrace. The territorial dispute between Thailand and Cambodia is a long-standing issue left over from history, but it eventually evolved into a domestic political problem in Thailand. Although the conflict between the two countries subsided in the end under the witness of China and the United States and with the mediation of ASEAN, the fundamental issue remains unresolved. From the perspective of Thailand’s overall political landscape, the influence of the Shinawatra Family has been weakened. Nevertheless, against the backdrop of the military conservatives dominating the political situation, Thailand’s “orange-red-blue confrontation” pattern is unlikely to undergo a fundamental change in the short term. Here, orange generally represents the People’s Party, a radical left-wing political party; red stands for the Pheu Thai Party, which has close ties to Thaksin Shinawatra and advocates reform; and blue symbolizes the right-wing camp that upholds traditional values and holds conservative stances. No matter who becomes the prime minister, they may face impeachment over seemingly minor disputes, or even be forced out of office through constitutional means. This indicates that the phenomenon of frequent prime ministerial changes in Thailand will continue for a period of time in the future.

Myanmar. Myanmar has been trapped in prolonged chaos and instability since the February 2021 military coup, which triggered full-scale clashes between the military junta and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs).Currently, Myanmar is grappling with four major predicaments. First, it faces economic hardship due to Western sanctions. Second, conflicts have intensified between the military junta and EAOs, as well as between the junta and the “National Unity Government” (NUG) represented by Aung San Suu Kyi, pushing the country toward civil war. Third, the military junta exhibits poor governance capabilities. Fourth, the junta is mired in a legitimacy crisis and remains unrecognized by the international community. As a result, Myanmar has fallen into a situation of “one country, two governments” and “one country, three armies”. The three military forces are the Myanmar Armed Forces controlled by the junta, the Myanmar National Defense Force (MNDF), and the People’s Defense Force (PDF)-both of which are under the command of the NUG. This chaos is further compounded by multiple factors. These include the power struggles among neighboring major powers, the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in color revolutions, and the tangled interests of gray industries and criminal groups. Together, they have plunged Myanmar into extreme disorder. In the past, conflicts between the Bamar ethnic group and other ethnic minorities were the primary source of tension. Today, however, political oppression and economic distress have shattered the confidence of some Bamar people in the military junta. Coupled with pervasive incitement, Myanmar now resembles a volcano, ready to erupt at any moment.

It is evident that the political turmoil in these countries exhibits the following characteristics. First, prior to the outbreak of unrest, these countries had already been mired in prolonged political instability. Cabinets were frequently reshuffled, and governments constantly faced legitimacy crises. Second, while symbolic incidents triggered the unrest, the protests were no longer confined to local issues or specific policies—instead, they spread to questions about the system and institutional flaws. However, the structural problems inherent in these countries’ institutions cannot be resolved by a single incident. Third, young people and social organizations played an increasingly prominent role in these protests. Fourth, symbolic incidents drove the outbreak of demonstrations and their escalation into violent protests. As seen in the aforementioned countries, all witnessed a shift from peaceful assemblies to actions such as storming public institutions, clashing with police, arson, and looting. This evolution has resulted in severe casualties and economic losses.

Political Outlook for Neighboring Countries in the Coming Months

In the next six months, the aforementioned neighboring countries will either enter a transitional government period, kick off election cycles, or undergo cabinet reshuffles—making further political turbulence highly likely. For example,

  1. According to Xinhua News Agency, Sushila Karki, former Chief Justice of Nepal’s Supreme Court, was sworn in as Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government at the Presidential Palace on the evening of September 12. She will lead a six-month transitional government to pave the way for the national election scheduled for March 5, 2026. Karki’s appointment is the result of negotiations between Gen Z protesters, Nepal’s President, and the military. Many Nepali young people have placed unusually high hopes on her, expecting her to end corruption and drive reform. For Karki, addressing key issues of concern to young people—such as social equity, political reform, and economic development—within just six months will undoubtedly be an immense and challenging task.
  2. On September 5, Anutin Charnvirakul, leader of Thailand’s Bhumjaithai Party, secured a majority vote in a special session of the House of Representatives and was elected Thailand’s new Prime Minister. As noted in relevant commentary, Anutin took office without the support of the Pheu Thai Party, and his term is expected to be short-lived—leaving his minority government highly vulnerable. Anutin has also explicitly stated that the new government will serve for four months, after which a general election will be held.
  3. Myanmar has long been trapped in civil war. Since the 2021 coup in particular, Myanmar’s military junta has extended the state of emergency multiple times, drawing dissatisfaction from both the public and the international community. However, Myanmar’s leader Min Aung Hlaing has announced that the country will hold an election on December 28, 2025.
  4. On September 8, Indonesian President Prabowo announced the first large-scale cabinet reshuffle since he took office in October last year. Among the changes, the removal of Finance Minister Sri Mulyani became a focal point of public attention—an adjustment widely seen as a response to the large-scale public unrest in August.

The aforementioned neighboring countries represent a model of “fluctuating political development”. In other words, they have consistently encountered various challenges during the process of achieving national independence and advancing their political agenda, leading to twists and turns in their political progress.For instance,

  1. Since gaining independence after World War II, Myanmar has been plagued by political instability, driven by power struggles between the country’s military and local ethnic groups. Entering the 21st century, in addition to the conflict between the military junta and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), the rivalry between the military bloc and the so-called “pro-democratic forces” backed by the United States has largely shaped the trajectory of Myanmar’s political development.
  2. Since the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1990, Nepal has seen 29 prime ministers and two periods of direct royal rule over the past 34 years. On average, each government has lasted only 13 months, with the shortest-lived administration in office for a mere 60 days. To date, no government has completed a full five-year term.
  3. The alternation between military coups and dynastic politics has been the defining thread of Thailand’s political development over the past 70 years. In the last two decades, forces aligned with Thaksin Shinawatra have won the prime ministerial election six times, nearly monopolizing the position of popularly elected prime minister. In a sense, Thailand has effectively formed a “dual-core structure” dominated by the King and Thaksin: the prime minister’s office is held by members of the Thaksin family or their protégés, while the monarchy remains with the Chakri dynasty. The recent political upheaval in Thailand is a major setback for the Thaksin family, but it does not signal their decline—they could still stage a comeback at any time.

The fundamental cause of the aforementioned political turmoil in neighboring countries lies in inadequate and unbalanced economic development, coupled with a widening wealth gap. These issues remain unsolvable in the short term, so it is foreseeable that public protests in these countries will continue to emerge from time to time. For example,

  1. According to the World Bank, Nepal only transitioned from a low-income country to a lower-middle-income country in 2019. Its GDP growth rate stood at a mere 2% in 2023, while the unemployment rate and inflation rate reached as high as 10.7% and 7.1% respectively. Neither traditional political parties nor emerging ones have put forward effective measures or delivered tangible results to boost economic development. Meanwhile, frequent scandals involving these parties have further complicated Nepal’s political landscape.
  2. During Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s tenure, her administration was mired in the “phone call scandal” and domestic political infighting. Measures to revive Thailand’s economy, boost its tourism sector, and her handling of Thailand-U.S. tariff negotiations were all subject to severe criticism. Her lack of experience and inadequate competence became a focal point of domestic public discourse in Thailand, leading to a steady decline in both the administration’s governing legitimacy and public approval ratings.
  3. Over the past decade, Indonesia has maintained a relatively high economic growth rate and achieved remarkable results in sectors such as the digital economy and mineral downstreaming. Today, it stands as the largest economy in ASEAN and the only member of G20 from the region. With a per capita GDP approaching 5,000 U.S. dollars, Indonesia has been classified as an upper-middle-income country by the World Bank. Even so, pressing issues remain prominent within the country, including corruption, inadequate safeguards for people’s livelihoods, and insufficient national capacity building—all of which have fueled public dissatisfaction.

The political turmoil in the aforementioned neighboring countries will further invite infiltration, interference, and pressure from the United States and Western nations. Prior to the unrest, the governments of Thailand, Myanmar, Nepal, and Indonesia had mostly adopted China-friendly policies. They actively aligned with the Belt and Road Initiative, engaged in infrastructure development, and saw steady growth in trade volumes with China. Against the backdrop of China-U.S. competition and the 9/3 Military Parade—where Indonesian President Prabowo, Nepali Prime Minister Oli, and Myanmar’s Acting President Min Aung Hlaing were all invited to attend—the U.S. and Western countries, having failed to contain China through nations like the Philippines, turned to targeting China’s neighboring states. Their aim is to destabilize these China-friendly governments, create instability on China’s periphery, and divert China’s attention.

While the unrest in these neighboring countries stems from internal factors, the protests were clearly influenced by external forces during their development. This led to peaceful demonstrations gradually spiraling out of control and turning violent, showing certain characteristics of “color revolutions”. From a historical perspective, regions affected by “color revolutions” in the modern world have generally spread along the trajectory of “Eastern Europe → West Asia → Central Asia → East Asia/Southeast Asia”. Key countries on this path are either China’s strategic pivots or traditional China-friendly nations.

Adverse Impacts of Neighboring Countries’ Situation on China

The most direct impact of political turmoil in neighboring countries is that it hinders the smooth advancement of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in South Asia and Southeast Asia. Currently, the core concept guiding China’s engagement in Southeast Asia can ultimately be condensed into one word: development. To achieve development, infrastructure serves as a crucial pillar—a principle encapsulated by the saying, “When roads are connected, prosperity follows.” Political instability in neighboring countries may lead to sudden policy shifts, contract breaches, and project suspensions. These outcomes directly threaten the asset security and profit expectations of Chinese enterprises, and impede the progress of the BRI in this region.

Political instability in neighboring countries will undermine China’s strategic goal of building a regional economic hub. ASEAN has surpassed the EU to become China’s largest trading partner, and Southeast Asia also serves as a key region for China to advance both the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Political turmoil will weaken the executive capacity of governments in affected countries, slowing progress on cooperative projects such as the implementation of free trade agreements and cross-border infrastructure connectivity. This, in turn, will hinder the economic development of these countries and the region as a whole, as well as the advancement of regional economic integration.

Against the backdrop of China-U.S. strategic competition, the stability and development of neighboring countries are of great significance to China in competing with the United States. Currently, a “Three-World” structure has emerged around China: China and the U.S. each stand as one pole, with numerous “middle countries” in between. Even countries like Vietnam, Singapore, and South Korea—while once leveraging the U.S.’ so-called “Asia-Pacific Rebalance Strategy” and “Indo-Pacific Strategy” to pursue their own interests—have maintained a fundamental stance of seeking “balance” between China and the U.S., rather than making an “either-or” choice. As China’s economic strength and political influence further grow, the existence of these “middle countries” and their development trends will become more prominent. Winning over more middle countries will thus become a key part of China-U.S. competition. In a word, China needs a stable, peaceful, and developing neighboring environment, and the stability, peace, and development of countries such as Nepal, Myanmar, Thailand, and Indonesia are conducive to China.

Yang Chen, Executive Director and Associate Professor, Center for Turkish Studies, Institute of Global Studies, Shanghai University

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“Blue wave” fears at Mar-a-Lago: What will the midterms bring for the US?

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The US is heading to the midterms under the shadow of the Iran War. While the American media debates whether Trump will use nuclear weapons against Iran after the midterm elections, a more realistic tension looms over Mar-a-Lago: a blue wave.

If the Trump administration can wrap up the night having surrendered only the House of Representatives, I am certain Trump will frame this as a victory. In part, one might even say it would be. Amidst so much public discontent—economic troubles, oil and electricity prices, broken promises regarding wars—nobody could plausibly claim Trump had lost if he emerged from battle carrying the Senate on his back. In any case, it is hardly unusual for the governing party to forfeit one chamber of Congress in a midterm election.

Although expectations long pointed to the Senate either remaining red or coming down to a razor-thin outcome, the situation has turned even bleaker for the Trump administration over the past month. According to polls, Democrats are leading in every single neck-and-neck state in the Senate race.

Let me lay out the arithmetic:

Presently, Republicans hold a 53-to-47 majority in the Senate. If the Democrats pick up three states tonight without losing any of their own, they reach a 50-50 tie, which can be broken by the vice president’s vote. Consequently, the Democrats must flip four states blue. For this cycle, Alaska, Kansas, Iowa, Maine, Ohio, Texas, Michigan, and North Carolina can be considered the battleground states. Contests in Iowa and Kansas are particularly likely to be fierce. It is worth noting that Texas has not elected a Democratic senator since 1988, and Kansas has not done so since 1932.

Will the polls be wrong?

The accuracy of polling varies considerably from cycle to cycle in the US. In the 2024 elections, for instance, the forecasts proved roughly accurate. Even in 2024, however, Republican support was slightly understated in the final count. One should not automatically ascribe this to malice. While Republicans are generally strong in rural areas, urban Republicans often prefer to conceal their leanings in liberal settings. This complicates the work of pollsters.

It remains possible that the surveys are overly optimistic on behalf of Democrats. Nonetheless, the absence of Trump’s name on the midterm ballot demobilizes the Republican base. When the expected “red wave” failed to materialize in the 2022 midterms, it was claimed that Trump had lost his aura, prompting a search for new leadership. Tonight, too, Republican turnout may fall short of projections.

The road to 2028

Beyond determining the composition of Congress, this election carries another critical function: it will chart the course to 2028 for both parties. Although the Democratic Party has begun to attract interest due to Trump’s missteps, it faces formidable internal struggles, marked by both a leadership deficit and an ideological vacuum.

Following the 2024 debacle, as resentment swelled against centrist Democrats like Chuck Schumer, Kamala Harris, and the Clintons, a new current emerged on the progressive left. Spearheaded first by New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani and subsequently by Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed, this 2026-model leftist movement dwells less on identity politics than its predecessor, striking Republicans directly at their points of vulnerability: the economy and Israel.

These two battlegrounds are the decisive factors in the 2026 midterms. Americans heading to the ballot box are squeezed by an electricity bill crisis stemming from the massive power consumption of expanding data centres following the AI boom, alongside oil prices driven by the Iran War and diesel costs tied to the Russia-Ukraine War.

In the first Trump term, an economy that performed well in its early years was derailed by the pandemic, costing him re-election. Now, however, Trump is being held accountable not for crises that developed outside his control, but for his own failures. He initiated the Iran War himself. He failed to honour his pledge to deliver peace regarding Ukraine.

El-Sayed and progressive leftists went before the public with promises to combat the cost of living and halt support for Israel, a message that resonated across the wider electorate. Yet, as in every election, what truly matters are the independents in the battleground states.

The Israel question

The Democratic Party’s mainstream establishment is uneasy with the party drifting away from Israel. Chuck Schumer, who could be regarded as the party’s leader, once even remarked, “my job is to keep the left with Israel.”

Yet centrist Democrats are currently avoiding an open confrontation with progressive leftists in light of their own recent failures. The pressure and dismissive conduct once directed at Bernie Sanders no longer seem tolerable to the party’s rank and file.

Dissenting voices persist, of course. For instance, Democratic Representative Haley Stevens of Michigan could not contain herself just days before the vote: not only did she withdraw her endorsement from El-Sayed, but she also crossed the aisle to back his Republican opponent, Mike Rogers!

Stevens faced fierce condemnation within her party, explaining her decision by claiming that “Sayed did not involve her in the campaign.” Those close to Stevens even suggested that she was pressured by her fiancé, who is Jewish, though she is not.

Radical Zionists like Stevens and Pennsylvania Senator John Fetterman are attempting to hold the line against internal party transformation.

Another major consequence of this election will be the fate of this new progressive leftist current, also characterized as “Woke 2.0.” El-Sayed is attempting to defend an already Democratic-held seat, and he looks strong in the polls. Should an upset occur and he loses, Democratic hopes of securing the Senate would require a miracle, and the progressive momentum inside the party could evaporate overnight. Ultimately, with El-Sayed, this new progressive left faces its first true test outside major metropolitan centres.

Rubio waits in the wings

This election holds significant stakes for the quiet rivalry playing out within Trump’s cabinet. If Republicans suffer a devastating defeat, Marco Rubio and JD Vance, both jockeying for the 2028 presidential nomination, may find their ambitions dampened. Entering an election weighed down by the record of an administration widely judged a failure would carry severe risks. That dynamic brought defeat to Kamala Harris, who bore the burden of Joe Biden’s missteps. Rubio is a politician who avoids unwinnable contests; because he remains well regarded by the establishment, he can afford to bide his time.

JD Vance, on the other hand, made a sudden ascent through the ranks straight to the vice presidency. While he enjoys support from Peter Thiel and his circle, his backing among the party’s senior leadership is far thinner. Because he is vice president, convention dictates that the broader party will defer to his candidacy. For that reason, 2028 remains Vance’s best opportunity despite everything.

Lame duck

In summary, while the situation heading into the midterms looks grim for Republicans, it is hardly bright for Democrats. A persistent lethargy has hung over them since 2024. They produce few compelling arguments, scarcely raising their voices against Trump as they once did. The rift between the centrist establishment and the progressive left may well generate more friction than the turmoil among Republicans. Trump exploited this fault line throughout his campaign. Conservative media and politicians did not hesitate to target El-Sayed over his Muslim faith and his ties to the controversial Turkish streamer Hasan Piker.

Should Trump truly suffer a rout tonight, the incoming Congress seated in January will curtail his room for manoeuvre on international matters. It is still too early to predict the course of the Iran War, as the political landscape that emerges in both Israel and the US will exert a direct influence on its trajectory.

Ultimately, the fate of the war also hinges on the blue wave that may crash ashore in Florida tonight.

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What are Europe’s ignorant leaders failing to see?

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The European Union (EU) has reportedly reacted against the agreement reached between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, which temporarily lifts US sanctions on Russian diesel. While Kaja Kallas, the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, demanded that pressure on Russia be intensified to end the war, the foreign ministers of EU member states stated that sanctions targeting Moscow would continue despite the US decision.

While this report is striking for laying bare the ignorance of those governing the EU, it also demonstrates that, contrary to European perceptions, the US does not view the EU as an ally and does not care about its sensitivities. Clearly, priorities, goals, concerns, definitions of threats, and threat perceptions between the two sides of the Atlantic are starkly different.

What those who govern Europe fail to understand is this: neither is the US the old US, nor is Europe the old Europe, nor is the world the old world. Sadly, the EU’s rulers are blind to this plain truth. Clearly, the ignorance that is so deeply organized and institutionalized in academia, politics, and the bureaucracy in our own country is widespread in Europe as well.

Those who rule Europe need to be reminded of the words of my late, revered master, Attila Ilhan: “If only you had known a little political economy.”

At international summits and in bilateral meetings, European leaders unashamedly applaud US President Trump even as he insults them to their faces.

Yet this is not the first time in history that the US has scolded Europe; it has done so before. It was none other than the US that drove Europe from the American continent, declared “America for the Americans” (the Monroe Doctrine), and defined Latin America as its backyard. Indeed, they were the first to introduce the term “backyard” into political science. They maintained that there was no room for any other state in their backyard. Under the Monroe Doctrine, no European power, including Spain, had any place anywhere in Latin America. Only the US was to call the tune across the continent. And for long years, with the exception of Cuba, that was precisely the case.

The dictators, the presidents, the prime ministers, the chiefs of the general staff, and the senior bureaucrats were all appointed by the US. Coups, political assassinations, and conspiracies were executed or orchestrated by the US. To that end, a school was even established in the US in 1946 for their training: The School of the Americas.

The political influence of the US in the region opened the wealth of regional countries – be it oil, coffee, gold, or sugar – to plunder by US corporations. In the end, the peoples of Latin America were reduced to impoverished watchmen over bountiful resources. They were ruthlessly exploited by politicians elected by themselves, yet working for and on behalf of the US. For that reason, the US could never stomach the changing political climate in Latin America, nor could it accept losing in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, El Salvador, Guatemala, or Honduras. It feared the influence of Hugo Chavez’s line across the countries of the region. It viewed China’s growing weight, trade volume, and investments in the region as a threat.

Because Europe’s current leaders view the US as an unshakeable ally, they fail to grasp what the US has done, including its actions in Latin America, and how the US actually views its own hemisphere, the world, and Europe. What is more, they are afraid. And because they are afraid, they cannot respond to the humiliating remarks about Europe made by Trump and his close associates, or to their contempt for Europe’s history, values, culture, and political understanding. They dread finding themselves in the predicament that Ukrainian leader Zelensky faced at the White House a few years ago.

Those who govern Europe do not know this: no one respects those who lack self-respect, and a leader as insolent, arrogant, egotistical, and untrustworthy as Trump will have no respect for them at all.

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Energy and electoral politics in Gagauzia: the promise of Russian gas through Türkiye’s image

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Dr. Violeta Stratan İlbasmış, lecturer

A few weeks before the presidential election scheduled for 15 November 2026 in Gagauzia, the promise of cheap natural gas is returning to the region’s political discourse. This time, the message in question is being linked to Türkiye, the TurkStream natural gas pipeline, and the possibility of procuring gas under more favourable terms. Beyond an economic pledge, this initiative raises a geopolitical question: How can Türkiye’s image be used to bolster Russia’s interests in the Republic of Moldova?

An electoral promise with geopolitical dimensions

Fiodor Gagauz, the candidate for the presidency of Gagauzia supported by the Socialist Party, announced on 21 October that he had been invited to the Verona Eurasian Economic Forum held in Istanbul on 22–23 October 2026. According to his statement, his son Dmitri Gagauz was to attend the event and discuss with Turkish partners the possibility of allocating a quota for supplying natural gas to Gagauzia under more advantageous conditions via the TurkStream pipeline.

This initiative comes at a time when Igor Dodon, leader of the Socialist Party and former president of the Republic of Moldova, announced that the socialists had reached an agreement with Russia regarding cheaper natural gas, and that a company was being sought to transport the gas to the border of the Republic of Moldova. To date, however, public statements lack sufficient detail regarding a concrete contract, the final price of the gas, transport costs, or actual delivery terms.

Türkiye: an image capable of lending credibility to Russian gas

Türkiye is a major regional actor and an economic partner to many countries, including the Republic of Moldova. It also plays a strategic role in the transit of Russian gas across the Black Sea via the TurkStream pipeline. This standing provides a concrete and credible basis for discussions concerning energy routes. In political communications, however, Türkiye’s image can serve a purpose extending well beyond the mere promotion of a transit route.

Associating the promise of cheap Russian gas with Türkiye can make the initiative more persuasive to the public: Russia is presented as the supplier of an affordable resource, and Türkiye as the regional partner capable of facilitating access to it. Thus, the image of a state with multifaceted economic and diplomatic ties can contribute to legitimizing a political message that ultimately promotes reliance on Russian gas.

From a geopolitical perspective, Russia seeks to maintain its influence in the Republic of Moldova and keep alive the notion that dependency on Russian energy sources can yield economic benefits. Particularly in a region where the cost of living and energy expenditures represent major concerns, promises of lower prices can feed this narrative. It should be noted here that citizens of the Republic of Moldova pay 26 Moldovan lei per cubic metre of natural gas, or roughly 1.30 euros.

The impact of the message can be examined independently of the actors’ intentions: Türkiye’s image can be utilized for political ends to make an offer involving Russian gas appear more credible and to serve Moscow’s geopolitical interests.

A relevant precedent: the promise of 10-leu natural gas

The issue of cheap natural gas is not being deployed in Gagauzia’s political arena for the first time. Supported by the fugitive politician Ilan Șor, who was sentenced to 15 years in prison in a finalized ruling concerning the Republic of Moldova’s bank fraud case, Evghenia Guțul pledged in 2023 to provide natural gas at a price of 10 lei per cubic metre. That offer was tied to the local company “NordGaz-Furnizare” and a chain of intermediaries, including the Türkiye-based Zen Solar Enerji. Investigative journalism published at the time raised questions regarding the supply model’s structure and feasibility. Ultimately, the promise did not materialize for consumers under the announced terms and within the stated timeframe.

This precedent demonstrates how potent the issue of cheap natural gas can be as an electoral tool, and how the names of foreign companies or partners can help generate a perception of reliability around an offer. Nevertheless, the involvement of a Turkish company in an earlier supply model does not, on its own, prove the involvement of the Turkish state or the existence of coordination orchestrated by Russia.

Beyond the price: who gains politically?

As the 15 November election approaches, the promise of cheap natural gas can operate on two levels simultaneously. On the economic plane, it offers voters the prospect of lower utility bills. On the political plane, it can reinforce the idea that the solution to the region’s difficulties must be sought in energy ties with Russia and in the partnerships that make this option appear viable.

The mention of Türkiye introduces a significant dimension to this message. Rather than being framed solely as an initiative tied to Russian gas, the proposal is linked to an influential regional power and an existing energy route. Türkiye’s image can thus play a role in legitimizing a pledge that serves the discourse advocating for the preservation of energy ties with Moscow.

Even so, the existence of the TurkStream pipeline does not automatically mean that Gagauzia can access natural gas at a preferential rate. Such an offer requires contracts, suppliers, transport capacity, compliance with the regulatory framework, and transparency regarding the final cost. Until verifiable documentation and explicit supply terms are put forward, this pledge remains an electoral promise.

The essential issue is not merely whether Gagauzia will receive cheaper natural gas, but how this promise is framed. When Türkiye’s image is paired with Russian gas to enhance the credibility of an electoral offer, the potential gains may extend well beyond the economic realm and help advance Russia’s geopolitical interests in the Republic of Moldova.

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