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The Green-German Government’s China Strategy

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The German government’s strategy paper was adopted on 13.07.2023. The 64-page document clearly shows the German government’s huge information gap on China’s policy. The new change of course means protectionism due to bad advice from US think tanks paid billions that sabotage the German economy. 

China’s success is based on reforms. And in the last ten years in particular, the People’s Republic of China has achieved enormous milestones in the areas of the rule of law, high technology, poverty reduction, climate protection and the protection of people with disabilities. Development has never stood still and will never stand still. Chinese-style socialism aims to shape people’s lives in harmony, peace and prosperity, in harmony with nature and in mutual respect. In terms of world politics, humanity is seen as having a divided future, which is why it is important to work together to resolve the world’s conflicts. China does not intervene militarily in any conflict in the world and does not impose its will on any country in the world. All partners choose China because China respects the cultural, political and historical aspects of each nation – including and especially Germany’s will.

Germany itself has faced major challenges in the last ten years. Instead of successes, the entire EU and its transatlantic partners have been confronted with conflicts. For example, several wars for freedom, democracy and the preservation of the “rules-based world order” in Africa, the Middle East and most recently in Ukraine have led to refugee flows and economic instability. At the national level, massive misinvestment in social, transport, education and housing infrastructure leads to unrest. Not without reason, there are also massive protests in other European countries like France. The result is an energy crisis, high inflation and a badly damaged economy.

The German government’s strategy paper, which draws its core elements from the influence of American media in Germany, American think tanks and US green lobbies, now seals the economic and political distance to China. European companies may now find it harder to participate in China’s progress. The main reason is that the German government does not understand what is happening in China. It has not understood the progress China has made in the last ten years. The gap is widening, China’s rise is unstoppable. Instead of working together to tackle the world’s big projects, the German government is sailing into a violent storm.

Rhetorical wordplay undermines One-China principle and recognises Taiwan’s autonomy

The German government’s strategy paper is linguistically characterised by rhetorical-political wordplay that clearly aims at protectionism but superficially gives the appearance of cooperation. This becomes particularly clear in the example of the Taiwan question. Thus, while the German government continues to profess its commitment to the One-China principle, it explicitly refers to it as the “One-China principle of the EU”. Worldwide, there is only one common definition of the One-China principle, which recognises the People’s Republic of China as the only legitimate nation of China. In the United Nations and all international organisations, the People’s Republic of China represents the whole of China, including the province of Taiwan. However, the German government is now speaking on behalf of the EU and explicitly mentions in the strategy paper that it wants to support Taiwan alongside the People’s Republic of China in participating in international organisations. This undermines the whole concept of the One China principle and leads to an indirect legitimisation of Taiwan as an independent state.

EU Global Gateway as a chaotic alternative to the Silk Road (Belt and Road)

The German government explicitly distances itself from the Silk Road project as well as from the Global Development Initiative and the Global Security Forces Initiative. The BR sees the Belt and Road Project as a means for China to place itself at the centre and to make other countries “dependent”. The German government sees itself in the position of implementing an alternative to the One Belt One Road project. For example, the EU wants to invest 600 billion dollars by 2027 in the infrastructure of countries that pursue European values and interests. So there is no clear concept, but a watering-can-like distribution of funds, which has already not led to success in the last decades.

Here it becomes clear in the wording of the strategy paper that the green federal government does not know what the Belt and Road Initiative means. For example, the Belt and Road Project is supported voluntarily and enormously by all participating states. The Belt and Road Project has been able to contribute massively to poverty reduction throughout Africa and the Middle East in the areas of infrastructure, construction of schools, housing, hospitals, inclusion or technology development. Technology cooperation is being established, universities along the Silk Road are cooperating and logistics are becoming incredibly cheap. Under the project, African students, for example, receive scholarships and can study for free in China and then use their skills to build their country. A secure infrastructure brings stability for the people and stimulates trade. Local products along the Silk Road, for example from small farmers in Pakistan, can suddenly be sold on the Chinese market. It is a project for a common future of humanity in harmony with nature. China’s international policy stands for win-win cooperation, for a multipolar world, for respect for other cultures without lecturing them, and for what it means to live “right”. Nations that have been dominated by the West for decades and actively promoted instability now have a new alternative and are actively moving towards it. After talking to African students in China about the difference between the West and China, they explained that China gives the money to the government, which invests in infrastructure and builds schools etc. with Chinese know-how. The West, on the other hand, gives money to local, foreign organisations that are corrupt, finance warlords and want to determine policy without knowing the cultures.

Due to the distance of the German government and the lack of investment, Germany and the whole of Europe will not get a chance. German companies and technologies as well as German shareholders are excluded by politics and cannot participate in the development of the global community in the Belt and Road Initiative. This also makes it more difficult for Germany to negotiate its own policies in the respective regions. Germany excludes itself.

Protectionism in the area of raw materials, technologies and trade 

China is the second largest patent holder in the world after the USA. The key technologies are in Chinese hands. The People’s Republic shares these technologies with all partners and promotes the development of mankind on a win-win basis. The Federal Republic recognises China as a global leader here, for example in artificial intelligence, quantum technologies or autonomous driving. However, Germany wants to separate itself from the Chinese here so as not to become “dependent”. At the same time, the EU/BRD subsidises its own technologies such as AI. The EU chip law is being introduced. Chinese companies are to be excluded from any participation. New raw material partners are to be found. Only, according to the strategy paper, these technologies may only be used by states that represent the fundamental values of the Europeans. This disconnects these technologies from the world market, which is detrimental to competition and reminiscent of the technology ring of the Cold War. In contrast, BR is committed to the transatlantic alliance and wants to share such technologies with the USA, open the market for US companies and link it to security and military cooperation. It is also questionable whether protectionism equates to sanctions and the Chinese Foreign Anti-Sanctions Law could be activated, which would lead to countermeasures by China.

The Chairman of the Board of the Federal Association for Business Development (BWA) Michael Schumann, one of the few German non-political, rational business associations, comments: “We expressly do not welcome this so-called “strategy” of the Federal Government, as it puts additional strain on the relationship with Germany’s most important trading partner at a difficult time. The prioritisation, choice of words and recommendations for action in this document are not in the interest of our companies, which are successfully active in China and intend to continue to be so in the future.”

 Climate protection sabotaged by own protectionism

 One of the most important bilateral goals of the Federal Republic of Germany is cooperation with the People’s Republic of China in the area of climate protection. The People’s Republic is a global pioneer in renewable technologies. Anyone driving through the streets in China, for example, sees combustion engines less and less often. Paradoxically, the German government’s protectionist policy is aimed at making trade conditions more difficult for important technologies that can be important for climate protection. Research and development of proprietary technologies is also to be protected from Chinese access. In this way, the German government is thwarting its own climate goals and making cooperation more difficult. Chinese subsidies for coal-fired power plants in developing countries are also criticised. Here, the German government wants to slow down developments and work against national security interests in the sense of a “rules-based world order”. In addition, the EU has put the drafting of a new investment law on hold. BR also advocates granting China the status of a developing country, while at the same time criticising that many developments are still needed in China. Such paradoxical formulations can be found throughout the strategy paper.

Ignorance of China’s national development characterises the strategy paper

What is particularly striking about the German government’s strategy paper is the lack of knowledge of internal Chinese developments. As usual, national issues around Hong Kong, Taiwan, Tibet or Xinjang, freedom of the press and also the more difficult access of German companies to the Chinese market are criticised.

As far as freedom of expression is concerned, constructive criticism is explicitly welcome in China.

Criticism and discussion are the guarantee for development in China. In the academic field, there is even explicit ongoing dialogue with the USA, Germany and internationally recognised organisations such as the World Bank in order to bring about new developments. The academic discussion is lively and criticism from abroad is also welcome in order to improve people’s lives. In addition to academic debate, the public is also strongly democratically involved due to the proximity of the party with its over 90 million members. For example, there are party neighbourhood committees in all housing estates, which look after the residents’ concerns on a daily basis and pass on needs to the relevant authorities. Residents can become party members themselves and thus participate in the democratic and discussion process. This is done at all levels up to the central government, in direct dialogue with the population.

An important component of the strategy paper, especially with regard to the economy, is fair, sustainable and reciprocal trade and the protection of human rights. For BR in particular, it is unclear what developments have taken place within China. The Supply Chain Law even sanctions Germany’s own companies that do not protect human rights abroad. The People’s Republic of China has enacted numerous new laws. Patent, copyright and other protection laws have been strongly aligned with German and international standards. The Personal Information Protection Law (PIPL) 2020 or the Cybersecurity Law, which almost corresponds to European data protection law, were also introduced. A new Civil Code was published in 2021, and here too the principles are very much based on the German Civil Code. China has its own labour law that excludes forced labour, even though the strategy paper talks about forced labour in China (Labour Contract Law).

In 2022, the anti-monopoly law in China was also renewed. Companies operating in China also have a special corporate social responsibility. This means they have to take responsibility for environmental protection, the protection of their employees and the protection of their industrial location. For example, a new land reform is currently taking place as an opening-up, in which foreign entrepreneurs can become quasi owners of land for the first time. However, they must safeguard the interests of the general public and protect the environment in rural areas. Private autonomy is also more strongly guaranteed in China than in Germany, where the hurdles are higher. It is quite questionable where the claim of backwardness comes from. Rather, there are more investment opportunities, which are used by the USA but not by the EU. The rule of law has also been expanded exorbitantly in the area of protection of the population and the individual. The training of lawyers is promoted, police officers, civil servants and ordinary citizens are increasingly trained in legal matters. The Chinese rule of law is based on international treaties and has many German features.

The criticism of the oppression of minorities is unfounded. On the contrary, the state promotes cultural minorities enormously and facilitates their access to public institutions, universities, schools or even professional life. In daily practice, this also means nationwide information campaigns about cultural minorities and their protection. Moreover, minorities are always represented in the National People’s Congress, China’s highest organ. In museums, art halls and in films, you can always find photos, statements about cultural minorities. They are respected and admired throughout the country with all 56 cultures.

Another misunderstanding concerns the Chinese party system. For example, the strategy paper says that China has a one-party system. This is factually incorrect. There are several parties under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. In the People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), which takes place parallel to the National Congress, these parties discuss new reforms. The parties reflect different interest groups. However, since the Communist Party represents all the people, the interest groups have a similar effect to consultative lobbies and are, for example, artists’ groups etc. that actively participate in the democracy and opinion process.

 The policy paper aims to protect women in the human rights dialogue. In socialist China, for example, women have long had equal rights according to communist understanding. Women take part in space missions, stand by their husband’s side and help lead the country. In the Chinese Basic Law and also in civil law, cultures and genders have long been equal.

Obstacles to Chinese activities in Germany

In addition to the economic blockade, cooperation with the Chinese side is also subject to more intense scrutiny. For example, Chinese institutions will be subject to tighter controls, as will Confucius institutes or organisations, while partnerships with institutions in the province of Taiwan will be continued. Universities in Germany are to cooperate more closely with Chinese institutions. The German government wants to establish more of its own soft-power institutions such as Deutsche Welle in China, while it wants to block and restrict Chinese media in Germany, just like Russian media.

Conclusion shows difficult future prognosis for Europe

The German government’s strategy paper makes it clear that a rapprochement with the USA is being pursued while at the same time activating protectionism for China. The choice of words in the paper superficially shows cooperation. However, all the important points for economic cooperation and mutual understanding are missing. The German economy will not be able to participate in the large-scale projects in China or in the Middle East or even in Africa. At the same time, Europe is sealing itself off. The German government allows itself to be misinformed by US think tanks and harms the German people, German economic interests and Europe as a whole. Ignorance about China’s internal affairs is a major communication deficit. As a solution, it is hoped that China will launch educational campaigns and explain profoundly to the West what socialism with Chinese characteristics means for the world. Europe’s initiative to open a new market for its products is to be welcomed, provided that these are made accessible to the world. However, according to the policy paper, this market is limited to allies, which further closes off the world and introduces protectionism in the 21st century.

If there are any further legal questions, readers can contact the lawyer and author of the article, Christian Wagner, an expert in Chinese law.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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