Opinion
The hidden theme of Trump’s resource push in Ukraine: China
Merve Suna Özel Özcan [1]
Donald Trump’s potential second presidential term coincides with a period of intensifying global conflicts and wars, a time when the international system is in dire need of stability and peace. Against this backdrop, Trump attempts to position himself as the leader who will ensure global peace, yet the underlying motives for this role and the realities on the ground diverge significantly. A critical aspect of this dynamic is Trump’s energy policy decisions and their less visible repercussions on the international stage, particularly in Gaza and Ukraine. These regions, where conflicts initiated during the Biden administration, are directly linked to underground energy resources and potential wealth. Intriguingly, a powerful network of energy companies is also backing Trump’s election campaign. A report by Climate Power indicates that fossil fuel companies contributed $96 million to political action committees and $243 million to lobbying Congress. [2] Thus, it was evident even at the donor stage that energy’s influence within the system would increase.
Energy-related considerations are also discernible in Trump’s Gaza policy. As detailed in Professor Joseph Pelzman’s report, reportedly presented to him in July 2024, the tripartite model for Gaza’s reconstruction emphasizes tourism, agriculture, and high-tech fields. [3] It is evident that the energy sector will be integrated into these high-tech advancements, even if implicitly. This, coupled with Trump’s supporters, reveals a shared interest between Gaza and Ukraine: underground resources. However, this study will concentrate on Ukraine rather than Gaza. A brief brainstorming session is warranted here. Despite global calls for a ceasefire in the Russia-Ukraine war, a struggle for control over minerals and elements is, in fact, underway.
Trump’s Energy Policy and the Subjectivization of China
Trump’s actions in the energy sector foreshadow his future policies. These decisions will impact international balances and lead to significant shifts in the US’ global energy and geopolitical strategy. Notably, Trump reinstated the energy emergency declared by President Jimmy Carter during the 1970s fossil fuel shortage, asserting that the US must combat high global energy prices while simultaneously safeguarding its energy security.
The 1973 Oil Crisis profoundly affected the world. The US experienced severe energy supply disruptions, realizing energy’s power as a foreign policy tool. The OPEC oil embargo exposed the West’s energy dependence. Energy prices soared, economies suffered, and the West confronted an energy crisis. However, while the US isn’t currently facing a 1970s-style global energy shortage, two crucial factors are being overlooked. This situation isn’t solely about the effects of drilling activities in Alaska; it’s also a US move to strengthen its global position. This increased influence should be considered not only in terms of fossil fuels but also concerning precious metals.
To solidify its energy position, the US has rapidly initiated drilling activities, reminiscent of 19th-century aggressive capitalism. This can be seen as an attempt to break Russia’s dominance in the global energy sector. However, Russia isn’t the sole power; OPEC countries also hold significant sway over energy markets.
While Trump’s campaign promise to reduce energy prices by 50 percent is noteworthy, its feasibility in international markets is questionable. Nevertheless, a slight market decline is a targeted outcome for the US. Furthermore, the liquefied natural gas (LNG) policy includes export incentives. Within the context of Trump’s tariff wars, China’s 15 percent additional tax on LNG imports from the US was an unwelcome development. [4] However, despite being a major global LNG exporter, the US doesn’t export significant quantities to China. According to the US Energy Information Administration in 2023, these US exports constituted approximately 2.3% of China’s total natural gas exports. [5] This is an unfavorable situation for the US, particularly for Trump. Indeed, Trump might impose new tariffs on LNG sales, not only to China but also to the EU, which is indirectly connected to the matter. In this regard, it’s crucial to recognize that China is likely the unseen but most critical subject behind Trump’s energy policies.
The Move to Overtake China in Energy and Mining
In connection with the Russia-Ukraine War, Trump’s February 3rd announcements regarding rare earth elements (REEs) and critical minerals (CMs) are a significant systemic development. Trump, who initially labeled the war as “premature” and “a war that would never have happened if someone else had been president,” also claimed he could end it within 24 hours if elected. However, the central question is: Will this result in genuine success, or will it lead to a frozen conflict zone? The answer will largely align with Trump’s interests, as he has not exhibited a particularly warm stance towards Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky throughout the war.
Indeed, Zelensky, recognizing this continued trend after Trump’s potential presidency, received perhaps the quickest response from Trump while opening Ukraine’s underground resources to allies as an investment opportunity. Trump, approaching the issue with a businessman’s mindset, announced his demand for $500 billion worth of rare earth elements from Ukraine, viewing this as a return for US aid during the war.
Although there might not appear to be a direct connection between the National Energy Plan and REEs initially, it’s crucial to understand that REEs and CMs are ubiquitous in modern life. REEs and CMs enhance energy efficiency, particularly in electronic devices, and are vital for advanced technologies. REEs, especially used in magnet construction, are widely used materials with limited substitutes. This is because REEs, comprising 17 elements [6], are highly dispersed and challenging to process, rather than being inherently rare, hence their name. [7]
The US Geological Survey reports that approximately 50 CMs, including nickel and lithium, are currently considered strategically important. [8] While a direct link between the National Energy Plan and REEs might seem absent, REEs play a crucial role in sectors like renewable energy, battery technologies, and electric vehicles. Global competition for these elements, integral to numerous critical sectors from mobile phones to defense industry missiles, is intensifying.
Crucially, CMs and REEs are not only vital for electronics and industry but also for the green energy transition. These elements play a significant role in wind turbine magnets, electric vehicle batteries, solar panels, and energy storage systems. The International Energy Agency (IEA) highlights lithium, nickel, cobalt, and graphite as particularly critical for energy density and batteries. [9]
So, why is Ukraine significant? Deposits of 22 of these minerals are located in Ukraine. Therefore, Trump’s Ukraine move was a significant step. There is no doubt that the steps to be taken to ensure peace in the region will become a bargaining chip.
The most critical question is: Why did Trump focus on these elements, and what is the impact of this on the energy sector? As is well known, China dominates the raw material market in terms of REEs. This situation needs to be analyzed from several perspectives. The situation with regard to REE and CM increases the risk of slowing down the EU green energy transition in particular. Supply constraints, together with EU energy sanctions against Russia, could jeopardize alternative green energy options.
However, due to the importance of precious metals for energy storage systems, these elements are becoming even more critical in the energy field, especially as the EU sees China as its biggest obstacle and competitor in green energy and energy storage.
This situation could, in fact, benefit the US LNG policy. However, the US also holds a green energy card. While the Trump administration seeks to expand its global energy influence by increasing fossil fuel production, it may also aim to influence the green energy strategy through rare earth elements.
Secondly, Trump’s tariff wars against China have had a boomerang effect. Beijing, announcing additional export controls on rare metals, has also targeted minerals like tungsten, tellurium, bismuth, molybdenum, and indium, which the US Geological Survey considers critical. [10] The IEA, based on 2023 data, reported that China’s REE reserves held an 87% global share. [11] From this perspective, Trump aims to control these elements, crucial for electric vehicles and green energy, against China. However, owning and processing REEs carries environmental costs. While developing clean technologies for processing these elements is vital, its feasibility in the near future is questionable. Trump’s stance on environmental and climate issues in his energy and drilling policies is already evident. His withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement [12] clearly demonstrated this policy.
In conclusion, Trump’s primary approach will be to gain in every sense on the Ukraine axis. This entails monopolizing the REEs, which the EU deems critical for green energy and energy storage, and transforming the process into an energy race. Therefore, Trump is poised to convert his aggressive domestic energy drilling policies into an aggressive REE extraction strategy in Ukraine, continuing his aggressive energy drilling policies in his foreign policy. This approach will bolster the US’ hand not only in the energy sector but also in the global mining sector. Through these policies, the Trump administration aims to challenge China’s dominance over REEs in the trade wars, or at least weaken its position. In short, the approach of “Whatever happens, but to China” is also evident here.
[1] Assoc. Prof. Dr. Kırıkkale University, Department of International Relations, [email protected]
[4] https://www.houstonchronicle.com/politics/article/texas-lng-trump-trade-tariffs-20146423.php
[7] https://enerji.gov.tr/infobank-naturalresources-rareearthelements
[9] https://www.iea.org/reports/the-role-of-critical-minerals-in-clean-energy-transitions
[11] https://www.voaturkce.com/a/dunya-temiz-enerjiye-gecis-surecinde-cin-in-nadir-toprak-elementleri-uzerindeki-egemenligini-kirma-mucadelesi-veriy%C4%B1r/7209892.html
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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