Russia
The Kursk battles and the crisis of Russian military strategy
While everyone was waiting for Iran to attack Israel, Ukraine opened a new front in the Kursk Oblast bordering Russia. On the morning of 6 August, the Ukrainian army advanced to a depth of 10 to 15 kilometres in the Kursk region, capturing some settlements and carrying out intensive shelling of civilian targets.
At the same time, there were rumours that the Ukrainian army was planning to seize the Kursk nuclear power plant and the Sudja gas station.
At the beginning of the offensive, at 8am, according to the Russian Defence Ministry, about 300 Ukrainian troops, 11 tanks and more than 20 armoured vehicles moved to the border of the Kursk region. The Russian army and border guards (Rosgvardia) initially managed to repel the attack, destroying some tanks and armoured vehicles.
However, the fighting continued and intensified throughout the day, with air defence systems deployed near the border hampering the Russian air force, which went on the offensive, resulting in the capture of three Russian villages by Ukrainian troops.
Immediately after the attack, Russian President Vladimir Putin convened a meeting of the Security Council at 13:00. As at every sensitive moment, the Russian authorities used the rhetoric of an act of terrorism, aimed at minimising the psychological impact on the population, but which for a long time bordered on denial.
Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova was no exception, setting out the official position: “We are talking about a new act of terrorism. It is clearly directed against the civilian population.
When you have hundreds of soldiers, armoured vehicles and tanks, air defence systems and thousands of foreign mercenaries on standby, it is not just an act of “terror”, it is an act of war. More specifically, it is the opening of a new front in this war. Perhaps it will fail, but for now they are holding the villages of Kursk.
The fact that Kyiv is targeting an energy and trade route is another matter.
Until now, natural gas from Russia has been transported to the European Union via two gas metering stations: Sokhranovka and Sudzha. In 2022, Naftogaz, Ukraine’s state-owned gas company, refused to supply gas to Europe via Sokhranovka because it is located in the Lugansk People’s Republic. The only remaining route is Sudzha, which is currently under attack. So the aim seems to be to take control of the Sudja station and then destroy it.
It is possible to see another purpose in the current configuration: Kharkiv against Kursk. Kyiv wants to force Moscow to withdraw its troops from Kharkiv in order to regain the territory it has lost in the Kursk Oblast. Although Russia retains the initiative on the front line, it would be the loser in such a situation.
Current situation on the ground
Kommersant quoted Health Minister Mikhail Murashko as saying that 69 victims of the 11 August shelling in Kursk oblast had been hospitalised, 17 of them in serious condition. Of the 29 outpatients, 8 have been discharged.
A rocket attack on Kursk early on Sunday destroyed a nine-storey building and injured 13 people, two of them seriously.
According to local officials, the situation in the border regions remains tense following the attack by Ukrainian sabotage and reconnaissance troops. However, there are currently no active clashes in the Belyovsky and Oboyansky regions.

Source: Kommersant
The Russian Defence Ministry reported that 14 drones and four Tochka-U tactical missiles were intercepted over Kursk on the night of 11 August.
Meanwhile, Alexei Lihachev, head of the federal nuclear corporation Rosatom, discussed the threat to the Kursk nuclear power plant with International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) President Rafael Grossi, stressing the global risks posed by the situation.
Evacuations continue in the region, with more than 76,000 people displaced and more than 4,400 in temporary shelters.
Official discourse and loss of trust
From the beginning, the Russian Ministry of Defence kept the information it released to a minimum. First it said that an attack had been launched by 300 troops, then that it was a thousand and that they had been repulsed. But on the evening of the second day, as Ukrainian troops continued to advance, the evening news showed unrealistic scenes with officials making statements that were far from reality. In fact, at least five brigades of between 7,000 and 17,000 troops had entered Russian territory.
But Kursk residents who witnessed the situation with their own eyes, and war correspondents such as Mikhail Zvinchuk and Yuriy Podoliak of the Rykbar Telegram channel, disagreed:
“It is true that [Chief of General Staff Valery] Gerasimov is doing very well, so much so that we would like to ask him on what objective factors is this optimism based? The need to please the boss? The need to lull the pure of heart to sleep? Or is it denial based on an inability to face reality and the consequences of the situation?
The mainstream media played the same game, with Izvestiya going so far as to publish a story claiming that the Ukrainian army had been driven out of Sudzha. While they do not hold the whole town, there is a pocket of resistance just to the east, where Russian troops are clashing. Podoliak said:
“I would like to draw the attention of our television crews to the fact that there is no need to deceive people and make Izvestiya’s report of the 6th of the month look like it was filmed on the 7th. Why is this important? Yes, it misleads Muscovites and the whole country, but it also does not allow people on the ground to get their bearings and make the right decisions, including the decision to evacuate. And then people die because of these lies.
In times of war, when you don’t have all the facts in your favour, it’s particularly dangerous to create a completely virtual world; the ruling elite can lose the trust of a population that doesn’t understand what’s really going on, but knows very well that something dangerous is going on.
Functional problems in the army far from solved
The new defence minister, Andrei Belousov, is highly respected, but he is not a soldier, and cases of corruption are on the rise. So much so that they sometimes raise the question of internal reckoning, as in the case of General Ivan Popov, who stopped the Ukrainian army’s advance in Zoporoye in 2023 and is now under house arrest. Some ask why Popov is not in Kursk at the moment. These questions show how difficult it will be for the Ministry of Defence and the General Staff to reform themselves through corruption cases alone. And there are many other questions. At least for an army at war: who is responsible for military strategy? And who is responsible for the Kursk Oblast?
Obviously, the process of legionisation of the army in wartime is reaching its limits. We are faced with paid contract soldiers, career officers with a different pay scale, and mobilised soldiers with a different status, and they are all fighting. Moreover, the conscripts remain outside the war zones… And this is an ideological problem.
And all this creates time bombs in society. Perhaps, in order to win the war, it is necessary to put an end to the logic of “special operation”.
Moscow, which has still not changed its position, is calling on the proverbial “international community” to condemn the “terror” in Kursk unequivocally, and to do so at the UN. At the same meeting where the ambush of the Wagnerians in Mali was discussed, a few words were said about Kursk, as if they were events of the same nature.
Moreover, the Russian press assures us that the IAEA is aware of the situation at the Kursk plant. A state of emergency has been declared in the Kursk Oblast, where the population is under attack, its territory occupied and facing a pogrom. Just as in the case of major fires or floods. In this context, however, a state of war should not have been declared in the region, which did not happen.
In other words, Moscow is still within the framework of “special military operation”. On the other hand, Russia is losing time and power in a war that it still does not officially recognise as a war. If it adopts an international discourse centred on negotiations, it will get in return the bombing of Sevastopol and the attacks on Kursk.
Meanwhile, the discourse of the creation of a Kursk People’s Republic “waiting to be liberated” and annexed to Ukraine is on the rise. This does not mean that this fantasy will be realised, but the intention is clear.Russia must take back the territories it currently occupies, otherwise it will be forced to negotiate its surrender, which will inevitably drag the current ruling elite into the depths of history.
Unlike Kharkiv in 2022, there can be no “strategic retreat” because the border has been crossed. In the event of a retreat, it will be impossible not to raise the question of treason, and the Putin umbrella will hardly protect these “great strategists” from popular vengeance. The ruling elite seems to be taking precautions, and there are two reactions.
Dmitry Medvedev wrote the following:
“From now on, special military operations must have a clear extraterritorial character. It is no longer just an operation to regain our official territory and punish the Nazis. We can and must go into the territory of Ukraine that still exists. To Odessa, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Mykolayiv, Kyiv and beyond. There should be no restrictions in terms of the recognised borders of the Ukrainian Empire. Now we can and must talk about this openly, without shame or diplomatic fawning.”
Medvedev is right, but to do so it is necessary to review the situation and envisage victory. This requires a change in the ideological framework and political courage. So far there is no sign of either.
Russia
Russia’s first-half budget deficit hits 5.7 trillion rubles as oil revenue shortfalls persist
Russia’s federal budget deficit narrowed to 5.7 trillion rubles, or 2.5% of gross domestic product (GDP), during the January–June period of 2026, according to preliminary budget execution data released by the Ministry of Finance on July 9. This contraction marks the first decline in the fiscal deficit since the beginning of the year. In June, the gap between expenditures and revenues decreased by approximately 5% month-on-month, shrinking by about 279 billion rubles. Despite this marginal improvement, the deficit remains 2.3 trillion rubles higher than the level recorded during the same period last year and stands roughly 50% above the 3.78 trillion ruble target projected for the full year of 2026.
Emil Ablayev, an expert at the Center for Macroeconomic Analysis and Short-Term Forecasting (TsMAKP), told the Vedomosti newspaper that the narrowing of the deficit was driven by the gradual fading of the front-loaded advance spending outlays made at the start of the year.
Budget expenditures rose to 3.56 trillion rubles in June, representing a 17.13% increase. Total spending in the first six months of the year reached 24.35 trillion rubles, up 16.1% compared to the same period last year.
The Ministry of Finance reiterated that the accelerated pace of spending was attributable to the early signing of contracts and advance payments made under specific budget items.
In contrast, budget revenues experienced a more subdued increase compared to expenditures. Total revenues in the first half of the year rose by 5.8% year-on-year to reach 18.6 trillion rubles. In June, however, revenues surged by 25.85% year-on-year to 3.82 trillion rubles.
Non-oil tax revenues accelerate
Ablayev noted that the acceleration of non-oil and gas revenues played a key role in narrowing the budget deficit. The year-on-year growth rate for these revenues rose from just over 12% in the January–May period to 16.3% in the January–June period. Non-oil and gas revenues reached 14.96 trillion rubles in the first half of the year. In June, these revenues increased by 26.75% year-on-year to 3.1 trillion rubles.
According to Natalya Milchakova, Chief Analyst at Freedom Global, this growth was driven by the increase in the VAT rate effective January 1, along with prior hikes in personal income tax for high-income brackets and corporate income taxes. VAT revenues rose by 22.6% to 8.58 trillion rubles in the first six months of the year.
Ablayev pointed out that VAT is the tax category most sensitive to domestic demand, consumption, and imports, indicating that the increase reflects sustained domestic demand.
Ablayev also stated that improvements in tax administration and a reduction in the shadow economy supported this positive trend. He added that due to the strong performance of the ruble in the second quarter of 2025, import-related VAT revenues had a more limited negative impact on a year-on-year basis.
According to experts, the trajectory of non-oil and gas revenues in the second half of the year will depend on a slowdown in consumer demand, import volumes, the ruble exchange rate, and the tax performance of non-oil exporters.
Sergey Klisenko, General Director of the NRA Rating Service, projected that the growth rate of non-oil and gas revenues could slow from the 16% level recorded in the first half to a range of 12% to 14%. However, he noted that this would still be sufficient to meet or even exceed the targets set for 2026.
Oil revenues recovered in June
According to Klisenko, the budget surplus in June stood at approximately 280 billion rubles, largely driven by the strong performance of oil and gas revenues.
These revenues rose roughly 65% above the January–February average. The analyst attributed this increase primarily to the elevated level of Russian oil prices in May.
Oil and gas revenues in June rose by 4.7 billion rubles compared to May, reaching 683.6 billion rubles. However, the cumulative total for the first half of the year remained at 3.66 trillion rubles, representing a 22.7% decline compared to the same period last year.
Ablayev stated that the primary reasons for the first-half decline were a strong ruble, delayed tax collection effects, and the structural composition of the revenues.
Klisenko calculated that while the budget projections assumed an average exchange rate of 92.2 rubles per US dollar, the actual average for the first half of the year remained at 77.2 rubles, depriving the budget of 1.5 trillion to 2 trillion rubles in oil and gas revenues.
Oil and gas prices, which had spiked in the spring due to the conflict between the US and Iran and the subsequent closure of the Strait of Hormuz, declined again during the summer months.
According to Ministry of Economic Development data, the average price of Urals crude was $44.59 per barrel in February, rose to $94.87 in April, fell to $86.52 in May, and dropped to $63.52 in June.
Ablayev noted that oil and gas revenues could show a noticeable improvement in July as additional income tax from the second quarter is reflected in the budget. Nonetheless, he cautioned that year-end performance would depend on oil discount levels, demand for Russian crude, the ruble exchange rate, and developments in the domestic fuel market, adding that rising refinery subsidies and damper payments could limit revenue growth. The expert expects year-end oil and gas revenues to exceed 2025 levels but remain below budget targets.
Experts expect year-end deficit to exceed targets
Ablayev stated that budget execution remains under pressure, with expenditures running significantly higher than last year and the deficit exceeding initial forecasts. He estimated that the year-end deficit could reach 3% to 3.5% of GDP, or approximately 6.5 trillion to 7.5 trillion rubles, which would require deviations from the fiscal rule and increased borrowing.
Rodion Latypov, Chief Economist at VTB Group, projected that the main reasons for exceeding the planned 3.8 trillion ruble deficit would be an estimated 1.5 trillion ruble shortfall in oil and gas revenues due to the strong ruble, alongside potential spending overruns. Excluding potential additional spending increases, Latypov expects the year-end deficit to be around 5 trillion rubles.
Milchakova stated that the budget deficit at the end of the year would most likely remain around 2.5% of GDP, driven primarily by weak oil and gas revenues and anticipated increases in public spending—particularly due to the fuel crisis, refinery subsidies, and damper payments.
Klisenko, meanwhile, estimated that the deficit would reach 2.5% to 3% of GDP, amounting to approximately 6 trillion to 7 trillion rubles.
Ablayev noted that a high budget deficit supports domestic demand, making a rapid slowdown in inflation more difficult, though certain mechanisms, such as damper payments, limit price pressures specifically within the fuel market.
Klisenko remarked that the rise in the budget deficit from 1.6% to 2.5% of GDP is not critical and that its impact on inflation does not exceed 1 percentage point.
Latypov argued that the budget’s impact on the money supply and total nominal demand is more accurately measured by the change in net claims on public administration, rather than the federal budget deficit itself.
He highlighted that this indicator has increased by approximately 3 trillion rubles since the beginning of the year, remaining significantly lower than the accumulated budget deficit.
Russia
Russian government halts diesel exports and slashes tariffs to counter severe seasonal fuel deficit
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak reported to President Vladimir Putin during a meeting with government members that while the cabinet has partially stabilized the domestic fuel market, altered logistics caused by refinery attacks and a sharp spike in seasonal demand continue to strain the sector.
Novak stated that attacks on Russia’s fuel and energy infrastructure damaged several oil refineries, leading to a temporary decline in gasoline and diesel production.
The drop in output has necessitated new shipment routes to deliver fuel to end-users, Novak said, adding that current demand is approximately one-third higher than during the same period last year.
The deputy prime minister noted that this situation has increased the burden on filling stations, raising the number of vehicles visiting the stations and leading to longer refueling times.
To balance the market, Novak recalled that the government and oil companies had previously taken a series of steps. Within this scope, gasoline exports were completely banned, and the production capacities of small and medium-sized refineries were utilized. Oil companies also maximized the capacity utilization of operating refineries, shortened maintenance periods, postponed planned maintenance to later dates, and released previously accumulated fuel inventories to the domestic market.
Government also halts diesel exports
Novak announced that the government banned diesel exports on July 8 as an additional measure.
Stating that oil product imports will be increased in July and the production of fuel with lower environmental standards will be expanded, Novak noted that the zero tariff on oil product imports was extended for another year to support imports.
Furthermore, Novak stated that the government reached an agreement with Russian Railways (RJD) to apply discounts on the rail transport of imported fuel. He also recalled that the mandatory exchange sale quota for gasoline was reduced from 15% to 10% and a price ceiling was imposed on the commodity exchange.
To secure the volume of fuel required by independent filling stations, Novak said that these operators have transitioned to direct contracts with oil companies, noting that this practice has been implemented in the Irkutsk Region and the Zabaykal Krai.
According to the information provided by Novak, independent filling stations previously purchased the bulk of their fuel from the commodity exchange or intermediary companies. Out of approximately 29,000 filling stations in Russia, 20,000 belong to independent operators.
Putin backs small refinery proposal
Zabaykal Krai Governor Alexander Osipov, who attended the meeting, proposed the establishment of a network of small-scale oil refineries across Russia.
Putin supported this proposal, stating, “In this area, the participation of small and medium-sized enterprises in the process is also necessary and encouraged. We will work more intensively on this matter.”
The Russian president also said that vertically integrated oil companies must supply products not only to their own stations but also to independent filling stations.
Putin instructed the government to make decisions regarding the subsidization of fuel prices in Crimea and Sevastopol “as quickly as possible.”
According to July 6 data from the Russian Federal State Statistics Service, the price of a liter of AI-92 gasoline in Crimea rose to 123.53 rubles. This figure represents an increase of approximately 50% on a weekly basis. The price of a liter of AI-95 gasoline rose to 170.59 rubles, increasing approximately 1.9 times, while the price of a liter of diesel reached 139.15 rubles, rising approximately 1.6 times.
In Sevastopol, the price of a liter of AI-92 gasoline rose by 8% to 105.47 rubles, the price of a liter of AI-95 gasoline increased by 15% to 148.64 rubles, and the price of a liter of diesel rose by 8.5% to 150.49 rubles.
Across Russia, in the week of June 30 to July 6, the price of a liter of AI-92 gasoline increased by 2% to 70.21 rubles, and the price of a liter of AI-95 gasoline rose by 2% to 76.19 rubles. The price of a liter of diesel reached 87.76 rubles, representing a 3% increase.
Since the beginning of the year, gasoline prices in the country have risen by 14%, while diesel prices have increased by 15%.
At the end of June, local governments in various regions of Russia introduced different restrictions on fuel sales to prevent panic buying.
Putin said on June 28 that there was a fuel deficit in the domestic market, but it was not at a critical level. Holding a meeting on the oil products market on the same day, Putin requested the preparation of additional measures to guarantee the uninterrupted supply of fuel to citizens, businesses, and socially critical institutions.
According to Sergey Tereshkin, General Director of Open Oil Market, the main reason for the spike in fuel demand is concern over potential supply shortages. Tereshkin said that consumers have increased both retail and wholesale purchases out of concern that access to fuel may become more difficult in the coming weeks and months.
Dmitry Kasatkin, Partner at Kasatkin Consulting, stated that the fuel shortage stems from a combination of altered logistics, local supply disruptions, and panic buying driven by high seasonal demand. He noted that demand for gasoline and diesel has increased not only in the retail market but also in the small and medium wholesale market.
According to Kasatkin, banning exports, postponing refinery maintenance, operating existing facilities at higher capacity, and releasing inventories into the market are among the most effective measures to increase domestic supply. However, he emphasized that delivering fuel to regions where the shortage is felt most acutely is also of critical importance.
Kasatkin said that increasing gasoline imports, RJD transport discounts, and production increases at small and medium-sized refineries are also important supporting steps, but their success will remain dependent on resolving logistics issues.
Tereshkin argued that the most critical steps are halting oil product exports and increasing fuel imports. Igor Yushkov from the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation assessed that increasing gasoline imports and the production of fuel with lower environmental standards would be the most effective measures.
Mikhail Burmistrov, General Director of Infoline-Analitika, said that RJD can apply discounts on certain routes, which will encourage the transport of additional cargo on the railway network.
However, Burmistrov stated that due to the limited capacity of unloading and loading terminals on the railways, the volume of these shipments should not be overstated, adding that the bulk of imported fuel will be transported by road.
Kasatkin predicts that partial stability could be achieved in the Russian fuel market during July. However, in his view, establishing a permanent balance between supply and demand, easing panic buying, and rebuilding inventories may take until late August or early September. He warned that local fuel shortages could occur in some regions until that date.
According to the analyst, if the measures taken by the government prove effective, price increases at filling stations may slow down in the coming weeks. Conversely, even if the market stabilizes, fuel prices are not expected to return to their former levels.
Russia
Greek shipowners secure $3.8 billion transporting Russian oil despite G7 sanctions pressure
Greek shipping companies have generated at least $3.8 billion in revenue by transporting Russian oil over the past three years, despite G7 efforts to curb Moscow’s energy revenues.
According to calculations conducted by the Financial Times, the primary beneficiary of this trade—which is permitted under a narrow framework within the Western sanctions regime—was Dynacom Tankers, a firm founded by Greek shipowner George Prokopiou.
Dynacom alone generated at least $915 million in revenue from transporting Russian crude oil since July 2023, accounting for approximately one-quarter of the total earnings secured by Greek shipowners.
Olympic Shipping and Management, part of the Onassis Group, ranked second among Greek firms with at least $404 million in revenue, while Athens-based tanker companies Stealth Maritime and Polembros Shipping both surpassed the $200 million threshold.
Sanctions tensions between Athens and Kyiv
The role played by Greek shipowners in shipping Russian oil has caused diplomatic tension between Athens and Kyiv. In 2023, several Greek tanker companies, including Dynacom, were added to Ukraine’s “international sponsors of war” list by a Ukrainian sanctions body. They were later removed following pressure from the Greek government.
The oil trade can be conducted legally as long as the G7 price cap rules are respected. However, pressure to tighten the sanctions regime has intensified in recent months, driven by efforts from the US and the EU to weaken Moscow’s hand ahead of a potential peace agreement with Ukraine.
Renewed efforts by governments to seek new restrictions on Moscow’s energy revenues could halt this Greek trade entirely.
Western governments are emboldened to take stricter measures by the general decline in oil prices over the past three years, which did not spike as feared during the conflict with Iran.
Meanwhile, Moscow is facing internal fuel supply disruptions due to Ukraine targeting its refinery system with long-range unmanned aerial vehicles.
The analysis utilized estimated freight costs compiled by pricing agency Argus Media for major Russian routes starting from June 2023. This data was combined with vessel management information from the International Maritime Organization and tanker movement data from Kpler, a data analytics company.
The calculations cover only the primary routes for which Argus has pricing data. This means the estimated earnings are based on only 389 million barrels transported by Greek tanker companies. An additional 153 million barrels, for which no price estimates were available, were excluded from the calculations.
Greek firms account for eight of the top 20 companies generating the most revenue from Russian shipments since June 2023. The remainder of the list, with the exception of Hong Kong-based Prominent, consists of Russian state-backed shipping companies such as Sovcomflot and Rosnefteflot, alongside their subsidiaries or front companies.
Recognized among the actors with the highest risk tolerance in the industry, Dynacom has been among the most active shipping companies operating in the Strait of Hormuz since conflicts in the Gulf began on February 28.
According to data from maritime and energy analytics firms Windward and Vortexa, Greek companies transported approximately 15% of Russia’s crude oil exports in May.
“There is money to be made there, and nobody else wants to go in and make it,” said Michelle Wiese Bockmann, a maritime intelligence analyst, referring to the Russian shipments carried by Greek vessels.
Shipbrokers familiar with the sector state that traders pay tankers approximately 30% to 40% more to transport Russian crude compared to oil from countries that are not targeted by Western measures.
Difficulties in enforcing the price cap
The G7 price cap on Russian oil was implemented in December 2022 to limit Moscow’s revenues while maintaining oil flows to prevent damage to the global economy.
Since then, Western operators have been permitted to transport or provide services for Russian oil only on the condition that the price remains below the designated price cap per barrel. The current price cap stands at $44.10 per barrel. However, former sanctions officials and lawyers state that enforcement of this cap is highly inadequate.
Shipowners are required to prove that the cargo they carry is below the price cap using a written attestation form.
Stefanos Roulakis, a lawyer representing Greek shipping companies, stated that shipping firms generally have to rely on the declaration of the charterer or the Russian supplier, as shipping groups are not direct parties to the price negotiations of the cargoes they transport.
“In theory this system works, but in practice we see that authorities expect shipowners to assess whether the expected price is below the limit and whether there is a sanctioned party in the supply chain,” Roulakis said.
EU diplomats report that the governments of Greece and the Republic of Cyprus have consistently opposed the price cap in closed-door meetings.
Some firms have stepped back
Despite this, some Greek tanker companies have begun to withdraw from the trade. TMS Tankers and Thenamaris largely halted their transport of Russian oil at the end of 2023, following US announcements that it would impose sanctions on Turkish and UAE-based shipping operators for carrying Russian cargo above the price cap.
According to calculations, Thenamaris earned at least $30 million from Russian shipments, while TMS Tankers generated at least $150 million between July 2023 and the period when it halted its operations.
Lawyers and analysts note that several Greek shipping firms also withdrew from trade with Russia following US sanctions targeting Rosneft and Lukoil in October 2025.
Dynacom maintained that all voyages to Russian ports were conducted in full compliance with applicable legal and sanctions frameworks.
The company argued that the price cap mechanism limits pressure on global energy costs while reducing Russia’s revenues, stating, “Thanks to the contribution of Greek shipping, electricity bills, gasoline costs, and further inflationary pressures have been mitigated.”
Olympic Shipping stated that it complies with EU, UK, and US sanctions, but added that it does not comment on individual commercial activities as a matter of company policy. Stealth Maritime stated that all cargoes it transported complied with relevant sanctions regimes and were audited by US and UK lawyers.
The company expressed concern regarding the safety of seafarers, noting that one of its tankers carrying Russian ammonia was targeted last year in an attack suspected to have originated from Ukraine.
TMS Tankers stated that it is company policy not to comment on commercial matters, while reiterating its commitment to strict adherence to all sanctions.
Svitlana Romanko, director of the Ukraine-based campaign group “Razom We Stand,” which aims to end the Russian oil and gas trade, criticized the situation.
“Russian oil continues to generate billions for the Kremlin because governments have failed to close the obvious loopholes in the system,” Romanko said. “The Greek government has repeatedly prioritized the interests of its own shipping industry over strong sanctions and peace.”
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