Diplomacy
The Vatican vs. MAGA: Pope Leo XIV leads a Catholic resistance against Christian nationalism
Tensions are quietly escalating in the US between Donald Trump’s “MAGA” base and Christian nationalism on one side, and the Catholic Church under Pope Leo XIV on the other.
According to a report by Vox, the religious right is increasingly utilizing scripture and faith to justify and defend President Trump’s policies and burgeoning Christian nationalist sentiments. In contrast, the American Catholic Church is undergoing a profound transformation under the leadership of Pope Leo XIV.
Through new appointments, directives urging bishops to speak out on immigration, and public statements critical of the US’s trajectory under the Trump administration, the Pope is positioning his bishops and priests as missionaries for human dignity. In doing so, he has established the clergy as a counterbalance to the authoritarian and nationalist tendencies of the right.
While the Church has long played a role in US politics, Christopher Hale—a Catholic author, political activist, and owner of the Letters from Leo blog—argues that Pope Leo’s interventions represent something fundamentally new.
Hale suggests that in the absence of a well-organized “religious left” in the US, Leo’s steps to reform and shake up the American Catholic Church are revitalizing a “Catholic left.” This movement is taking a stand against the moral struggles of the 2020s, particularly regarding immigration and the spread of authoritarianism.
Leo’s plan to reorganize the American Church
According to Hale, Leo’s primary concern was the growing perception of the US Catholic Church as “reactionary.”
In New York, for example, Cardinal Timothy Dolan was known as “personable, charming, and friendly,” yet he was conspicuously identified with the political right.
His successor, Archbishop Ronald Hicks, appears somewhat less comfortable in front of the media but excels in his relationship with parishioners and is widely beloved among lay Catholics.
Hale acknowledges that the liberal dream of “replacing right-wing culture warriors with left-wing culture warriors” is unlikely to be fully realized. However, he points out the importance of recognizing that priests and bishops in the US Catholic Church tend to be significantly more conservative than their international counterparts.
While noting that the Pope attempts to avoid the “culture wars” in the US and does not wish to be “used as a weapon by either the left or the right,” Hale argues it is impossible to ignore Leo when he speaks on immigration and mass deportations.
Will Leo declare war on “MAGA authoritarianism”?
Hale observed that throughout the summer, Leo appeared frustrated by the USCCB (the leadership body of the US Church) for failing to speak with a unified voice, as bishops instead mobilized in a scattered fashion.
“For this reason, in October, he made it very clear that the church could not remain silent and must speak as one on this issue. A month later, the bishops acted almost unanimously, adopting the harshest stance toward the administration seen since the organization’s inception. This would not have happened during the Francis era; it would have been explained away or overlooked. The sensitivity of US bishops—particularly conservative ones—has increased extraordinarily over the past year. They have raised their voices in ways I don’t think they would have during Francis’s papacy.”
Hale further suggests that just as cardinals chose a Polish pope from behind the Soviet “Iron Curtain” to defeat communism, “God has chosen a pope from the Americas to defeat the spread of MAGA authoritarianism.”
“But I want to be very careful: John Paul II did not do this solely for the Polish people, but for the global community.
Similarly, I believe Pope Leo XIV views authoritarianism as something originating from America, but he is working to eliminate it for the benefit of the global community, not just for America’s sake. He reacts as strongly to any American intervention abroad as he does to specific domestic issues.”
Contending that Leo views “authoritarian regimes as a threat to human life,” Hale notes, “While his predecessors spoke extensively about abortion, in the single year Leo has been pope, he has spoken about immigration, war, and ecology a hundred times more often than he has mentioned abortion.”
Christian nationalism: A Protestant-Evangelical alliance against Catholicism
The author argues that the Christian nationalism Trump is associated with has no room for Catholics. “Christian nationalism is evangelical Protestant nationalism. It is vital to understand that the leaders of this movement do not believe Catholics are Christians; they do not believe we can achieve salvation,” he says.
“Christian nationalism and its sibling, MAGA authoritarianism, are inherently anti-Catholic. To be blunt, I am making a classist argument: I am saying that my class and my ethnic identity are excluded from this project. Yes, there is a war; it is a culture war that I welcome. The culture war between multi-ethnic American Catholicism and white evangelical Protestantism is one that the left can win.”
Claiming that the Pope believes the “authoritarian” trend in the US is more dangerous than any other issue, including immigration, Hale asserts, “Even conservative Catholic bishops see the limits of this Christian nationalism project.”
Arguing that they must oppose the Trump administration more directly and cannot rely on the president’s “goodwill and whims,” Hale concludes, “I am not sure of the existence of a religious left in this country, but the second Trump administration has shown me that a Catholic left certainly exists.”
JD Vance in the crosshairs of Catholic criticism
The most direct and sharpest Catholic outcry against the US administration followed the killing of Renee Good by ICE in Minneapolis.
In the aftermath of the killing, the White House—and Vice President JD Vance in particular—faced significant backlash for accusing Good of “terrorism.” In posts on X and during White House briefings, Vance argued that Good’s death was a “tragedy of her own making” and claimed she was “part of a broader leftist network” intent on attacking ICE officers.
In a scathing op-ed published shortly after, the National Catholic Reporter accused Vance of “justifying” Good’s killing, stating his comments were a “moral stain on the collective witness of our Catholic faith.”
Digital editor John Grosso wrote:
“In the past, a politician would offer thoughts and prayers, encourage those reacting to wait for the full results of an investigation, and generally try to calm the atmosphere. A leader could have used the opportunity of a new day to soothe the nation’s broken heart.”
Grosso argued that “as a Catholic,” Vance knows better than to engage in such manipulation and provocation, using harsh terms:
“Vance knows that only God can take a life. Vance knows that protesting, fleeing, or even interfering with an ICE investigation (for which there is no evidence Good did) does not warrant a death penalty. Vance knows that lying and killing are sins.”
The author continued, “He does not care. Vance’s distorted and false understanding of Christianity has been rejected by two popes.”
Grosso further stated that he views Vance’s Catholicism as a “simple tool for his career ambitions and desire for power.”
Immigration policy draws fire from bishops
In 2025, Pope Francis declined to attend an official meeting in the Vatican with Vance, sending Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin in his place to deliver a lecture on “compassion and migrant rights.”
The following day, Francis offered the vice president only a brief Easter greeting.
Francis’s final months were marked by increasingly sharp criticism, describing the mass deportations of the Trump era as “shameful” and “anti-Christian.” Shortly before passing away at the age of 88, he reportedly condemned Vance behind closed doors for the White House’s treatment of migrants.
His successor, Pope Leo XIV, also appears to be distancing himself from Trump’s immigration policy. When Vance traveled to Rome last year to represent the US delegation at Leo’s inauguration mass, the new pope greeted him briefly in public but held private meetings that same day with the presidents of Ukraine and Peru.
A longer meeting with Vance took place a day later, but the Vatican’s statement emphasized humanitarian concerns and “current international issues,” which was interpreted as a subtle signal of disagreement.
Outside of Rome, Catholic criticism of the administration’s immigration campaign has intensified. An article published on the Letters From Leo website stated that the new crackdown policy—supported by Trump’s “ostensibly Catholic Vice President JD Vance”—has led to “increased inhumane treatment” and noted these policies have faced “harsh criticism from two popes and the vast majority of bishops.”
In a lead article titled “Every Catholic Should Resign from ICE,” the text argues: “After a year of inhumane raids and papal condemnations, it is clear that no Catholic can, in good conscience, remain in ICE.”
Pope Leo’s silent resistance to American hegemony
In a speech delivered on January 9, Pope Leo XIV addressed global issues and alluded to his opposition to the Trump administration’s practices.
For example, Leo noted that peace is no longer sought as a gift but “through weapons as a condition for asserting one’s dominance,” and warned that this path “seriously threatens the rule of law.”
“War has come back into fashion, and the passion for war is spreading,” Leo warned, arguing that the principle prohibiting countries from invading their neighbors—established after World War II—has been “completely undermined,” with military force replacing dialogue.
Touching upon the abduction of Nicolas Maduro by the US, the Pope reiterated his call for “respect for the will of the Venezuelan people and the protection of the human and civil rights of all people.”
In his official address, Leo issued a direct jab at the US by condemning “power-based diplomacy” that endangers all peoples.
Following the speech, a tense interaction occurred between the US Ambassador to the Vatican, Brian Burch, and Leo during the formal greetings.
Burch had previously issued a statement suggesting that Leo actually supported Trump, aiming to justify the US invasion of Venezuela.
Like Francis before him, Leo listed conflicts ranging from Ukraine to the Holy Land and called for an immediate ceasefire in war zones.
Furthermore, he called for the revitalization of multilateral institutions, urging the United Nations to refocus on uniting humanity and mitigating the “devastating effects of war.”
Diplomacy
India’s Russian oil imports hit record high as Middle East tensions disrupt markets
India is increasing imports of Russian oil and coal as supply chain disruptions and rising prices linked to tensions involving Iran reshape global energy flows.
According to a Reuters report citing data from analytics firm Kpler, shipments from Russia to India reached record levels in June.
Kpler estimates that Russian oil deliveries to India will rise to a record 2.55 million barrels per day in June.
That would surpass both the 2.13 million barrels per day recorded in May and the previous high of 2.16 million barrels per day registered in May 2023.
Russia’s share of India’s total oil imports in June is expected to come in at just under 50%. Before the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, the figure averaged 23% during the three months preceding February 28.
India’s shift toward Russian crude followed the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and a temporary suspension of sanctions on purchases by the administration of US President Donald Trump in an effort to increase market supply.
However, the sanctions waiver expired on June 17 and was not extended by the US Treasury Department.
Reuters noted that this could lead to a decline in purchases of Russian crude, although the outcome will depend on the willingness of Indian refiners and government officials to return to sourcing shipments from Middle Eastern suppliers.
According to Kpler forecasts, imports from Saudi Arabia are expected to remain at 349,000 barrels per day in June. That compares with an average of 832,000 barrels per day during the three months before the conflict.
A similar trend is visible in coal imports. Imports of Russian coal across all grades are expected to reach 3.16 million tonnes in June, compared with 3.27 million tonnes in May.
Both figures would rank as the second and third highest on record, respectively, behind the peak of 3.76 million tonnes registered in May last year.
Russia is also expected to overtake Australia in June to become the second-largest supplier of coal to India, the world’s second-largest coal importer after China.
According to Reuters, Russia is likely to maintain its role as one of India’s key coal suppliers. Future purchases of Russian oil, however, will depend on whether Washington moves to tighten sanctions against Moscow.
New Delhi says oil shipments will not be affected by sanctions
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said in mid-June that the country had increased purchases of Russian oil since 2022 at Washington’s request in order to help contain global energy prices.
Jaishankar criticised US restrictions on Russian commodities and urged policymakers not to present such measures as matters of grand principle.
Sujata Sharma, a representative of India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, also said in May that shipments from Russia were continuing and would do so regardless of US decisions concerning sanctions waivers.
Indian refiners reduced imports from Russia in 2025 and turned to suppliers in Saudi Arabia and Iraq amid pressure from the United States and threats of a 25% tariff on Indian goods.
However, Reuters data show that following the outbreak of war in the Middle East and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, Indian companies began increasing purchases of Russian crude again in early March.
Russia’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, said at the end of April that Moscow was prepared to supply as much raw material as India was willing to accept.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov later confirmed that Moscow remained committed to its agreements on energy shipments to India.
Diplomacy
EU, US and China intensify competition over Africa’s strategic minerals through Lobito Corridor
Africa is becoming an increasingly intense arena of competition among China, the US and the European Union over access to strategic raw materials.
According to an analysis by German Foreign Policy, the Lobito Corridor, a rail link connecting the copper belt of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola, is playing a pivotal role in that contest.
The infrastructure project is regarded as one of the flagship initiatives of the EU’s Global Gateway strategy and is also viewed by Washington, which is investing in the region, as a means of reducing dependence on China.
In the future, copper, cobalt, lithium and other raw materials essential for the production of batteries, electric vehicles, digital technologies and military equipment will be transported westward via this route.
The initiative builds on infrastructure originally constructed during the colonial era to facilitate the export of African raw materials.
Critics argue that the expansion of the Lobito Corridor perpetuates existing patterns of resource extraction under new conditions.
Global Gateway as a counter to the Belt and Road
The European Commission approved the Global Gateway programme in September 2021.
Under the programme, nearly €300 billion is to be invested in infrastructure projects across Africa, Asia, Oceania, Southeast Europe, and South and Central America by 2027.
The programme is widely viewed as a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
One of its central objectives is to diversify Europe’s imports of critical raw materials, particularly by reducing dependence on supplies from China.
During a visit to China in late May 2026, German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche of the CDU underscored the importance of secure access to critical raw materials and rare earth elements. This is the area in which Germany remains most dependent on China.
Colonial-era infrastructure remains intact
One of the clearest examples is the 1,300-kilometre Lobito Corridor, which runs from the edge of the Zambia-Southern Congo copper belt to the port of Lobito in Angola.
The core infrastructure of this trade corridor was established through the Benguela Railway, which was built as early as 1902 at the height of European colonial expansion. The railway extended eastward from the port city of Lobito through what is now Angola, providing access to the mineral-rich regions of southern Congo and Zambia.
In 1931, following completion of the initial railway line, the British mining and railway company Tanganyika Concessions transferred its 99-year concession rights to Portugal’s colony of Angola.
The concession expired in 2001, after which the infrastructure, previously controlled by Portuguese authorities, was transferred to the Angolan government.
By 2030, annual copper shipments through the route are expected to reach one million metric tonnes.
Both the EU and the US are relying heavily on the Lobito Corridor in an effort to counter China’s dominant position in Africa’s raw materials sector.
Estimates indicate that roughly two-thirds of global cobalt production originates in the Congo, where Chinese companies are particularly active in mining operations.
China also accounts for approximately 75% of global cobalt processing capacity.
The colonial-era rail line leading to Lobito is intended to redirect exports of copper, cobalt and other raw materials, which have until now largely been shipped eastward via Tanzania, toward western markets, enabling processing in Europe or North America rather than China.
Europe seeks to reduce dependence on China for the green transition
In addition to copper and cobalt, the region holds substantial deposits of lithium, coltan, nickel and rare earth elements, giving it significant economic importance.
These materials are used in electric vehicle batteries, stationary energy storage systems and alloys required for military aircraft production.
Until now, the EU has sourced much of these materials from China. Strategic investment in a new logistics hub in Luau, Angola, located along the Lobito Corridor, is intended to reduce that dependence.
The railway line along the corridor is already operated by a European consortium.
The consortium includes Swiss commodities trader Trafigura, Portuguese construction group Mota-Engil and Belgian rail company Vecturis.
However, the majority of the mines remain under Chinese control. In the Congo, 24 of the country’s 33 cobalt-exporting companies are Chinese-backed.
The Lobito Corridor is being developed through an EU-US partnership
EU efforts to secure influence over the Lobito Corridor are advancing in parallel with similar initiatives by the United States.
In early 2022, the US signed a memorandum of understanding with the EU and other G7 members to mobilise more than $600 billion for infrastructure projects worldwide over the following five years as part of the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).
The Lobito Corridor is one of five key trade, transit and development corridors in Southern Africa designed to improve transport efficiency.
During the administration of President Joe Biden, financing for the Lobito Corridor was launched under the G7’s PGII framework as a flagship project in cooperation with the Global Gateway initiative.
The EU also regards the expansion of the Lobito Corridor as a critical project and has committed more than €2 billion in funding.
That support could increase further. The next EU budget cycle beginning in 2028 envisages nearly doubling spending on development and external assistance, from €108 billion to €200 billion.
EU officials present the strategy as an effort to offer a more comprehensive approach to infrastructure financing than China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
‘America First’ in Africa
The US has pledged hundreds of millions of dollars for the expansion of the Lobito Corridor.
In the final quarter of 2025 alone, it provided $553 million in loans for the project’s expansion.
An additional $200 million in support came from the Development Bank of Southern Africa.
Unlike the Biden administration, which frequently described the initiative as development assistance, the second Trump administration openly characterises the project as an effort to weaken China’s influence, strengthen US control over critical raw materials and diversify supply chains.
For example, Frank Garcia, a former naval officer appointed in late May as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, praised the Trump administration’s continuing engagement on the continent.
Highlighting the Lobito Corridor in particular, Garcia said the project aligns key US interests in Africa with the “America First” approach.
Germany in Africa for the energy transition
Last autumn, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier travelled several kilometres on the newly restored railway line along the Lobito Corridor and described it as “a strategic infrastructure project of enormous economic importance.”
The German politician added: “Of course, this infrastructure connection also creates investment opportunities for European and German companies along its route.”
Portuguese construction company MCA is currently building solar energy parks in 60 municipalities across Angola at a cost of just under €1.29 billion.
The client is Angola’s Energy Ministry, while the German government is supporting the project through export credit guarantees.
Should Angola fail to meet its payment obligations, Germany would step in. A total of 95% of the project value is guaranteed by the Federal Republic of Germany.
In return, Angola agreed to allow German companies to participate in the project. For example, the battery storage system is being supplied by SMA Solar Technology, based in Niestetal near Kassel.
German solar technology provider Gantner Instruments Environment Solutions is supplying the digital control system.
Critics of the Lobito Corridor expansion warn that the project will primarily benefit the EU and the US.
In their view, the initiative promotes the export of African raw materials rather than strengthening intra-African trade.
Although the EU presents these measures as a development project aligned with African interests, critics argue that they ultimately represent a continuation of Western exploitation of African resources.
Diplomacy
EU presses Türkiye for non-Russian gas supplies under future energy contracts
The European Union is insisting that natural gas delivered to member states via Türkiye under new supply agreements must not be of Russian origin.
German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche said after an official visit to Ankara that “Türkiye understands that the EU attaches great importance to ending the supply of raw materials originating from Russia and accepts this reality.”
Reiche added that Turkish officials had made it clear that replacing supplies from Russia could not be achieved overnight, either economically or in terms of available alternative sources.
As of June 17, a ban on pipeline natural gas imports from Russia under short-term contracts signed more than a year ago entered into force across the European Union.
The measure was approved by the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament at the end of last year. In January 2025, EU member states also voted to phase out Russian gas completely by 2027. Under that decision, member states are required to verify the origin of gas supplies before authorizing deliveries.
Meanwhile, Swiss-based company Nord Stream 2 AG, the operator of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, has launched legal action challenging the regulation imposing the ban on Russian gas imports.
Türkiye, for its part, is continuing negotiations with Gazprom on natural gas supplies for the period after 2026, as existing contracts are approaching expiration.
Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar previously said the parties had yet to reach agreement on potential shipment volumes and the duration of any new contracts.
In December 2025, Ankara extended by one year two agreements with Gazprom covering gas deliveries through the TurkStream and Blue Stream pipelines.
Türkiye is seeking to reduce Russia’s share of its gas supply mix. Russia’s share of Türkiye’s natural gas imports has already fallen below 40%.
As part of its energy diversification strategy, Ankara plans to replace part of Russian gas imports with supplies from the United States and Central Asia.
Bayraktar previously said that despite US calls to abandon Russian energy resources, Türkiye would continue purchasing natural gas from Russia.
“We cannot tell our citizens there is no gas available. We have agreements with Russia. Winter is approaching. We need gas from Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan,” Bayraktar said.
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