Asia
Yoon’s impeachment delay: Legal rigour or political deadlock?
In South Korea, anticipation continues to build each week regarding the impeachment trial of Yoon Suk Yeol. Key factors contributing to the delay in finalizing the case include the intricate political and legal landscape, the Constitutional Court’s meticulous decision-making process, and profound societal polarization.
Following his declaration of short-lived martial law on December 3, 2024, Yoon was suspended from office by the National Assembly on December 14, 2024. He was subsequently detained at his residence before being imprisoned on January 15, 2025. This incident, widely viewed as a grave threat to South Korea’s democratic institutions, triggered the initiation of impeachment proceedings. However, the process requires a final ruling from the Constitutional Court, which has yet to be delivered.
A primary reason for the delay is the Constitutional Court’s comprehensive review. The court is meticulously assessing the ‘sedition’ accusations against Yoon concerning his martial law declaration and determining whether he violated his constitutional duties. The court has a 180-day window to render its decision, a period utilized for gathering evidence, hearing witness testimony, and conducting detailed analyses of legal arguments. Yoon’s defense contends that the martial law declaration was a legitimate measure to ‘combat anti-state elements’ and was not intended to establish full military rule. Conversely, the opposition and numerous legal experts assert that this action violated the constitution and constitutes sedition. The court is adopting a cautious approach, prioritizing thoroughness over speed in resolving these conflicting claims.
A second factor relates to the court’s current composition. Typically comprising nine judges, the Constitutional Court is currently operating with eight members. A ruling requires the concurrence of at least six judges. This composition potentially complicates consensus-building and could prolong the deliberation process. Furthermore, Yoon’s case is poised to set a significant precedent, being the first instance in South Korean history where a head of state faces both impeachment and sedition charges simultaneously. This unique situation compels the court to proceed with heightened caution.
Societal polarization is also influencing the proceedings. Significant tension exists between Yoon’s supporters and opponents, with both factions attempting to influence the court through public demonstrations. For instance, Yoon’s supporters demand his release, while his opponents advocate for his prompt removal from office. This societal pressure potentially complicates the court’s ability to maintain impartiality and could contribute to delays in the judgment.
Whether Yoon Suk Yeol committed a constitutional offence remains a central question before South Korea’s Constitutional Court. This question lacks a definitive legal and political answer as the court has not yet rendered its final judgment. However, examining the National Assembly’s indictment, which initiated the impeachment, and the available information regarding Yoon’s actions can help clarify the matter.
Yoon’s actions and the allegation of constitutional offence
On December 3, 2024, Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law, citing the need to combat North Korean-backed ‘anti-state elements’. This declaration was unanimously rescinded by the National Assembly within hours, prompting Yoon to retract his order. According to the South Korean Constitution (Article 77), martial law may only be declared during war, armed conflict, or similar national emergencies threatening national security, and it remains subject to National Assembly oversight. Yoon’s declaration was widely deemed unconstitutional because it lacked concrete evidence of war or an immediate threat justifying such an extreme measure.
Furthermore, the deployment of military troops to the National Assembly building during the brief martial law period, along with attempts to curtail media and political activities, are viewed as violations of fundamental constitutional rights, such as freedom of expression and the legislature’s power. Article 7 of the Constitution underscores that public officials are accountable to the populace and must not abuse their authority. The opposition contends that Yoon’s actions amount to ‘rebellion’ (Article 87) or an attempt to ‘suspend the constitution,’ both considered grave constitutional offences.
Contents of the indictment
- Violation of the Constitution: The indictment claims the martial law declaration lacked legal basis and threatened the constitutional order. It alleges Yoon attempted to establish unilateral rule by circumventing parliamentary authority.
- Sedition Offence: It asserts that Yoon targeted democratic institutions, particularly the National Assembly, using military force, actions fitting the definition of ‘internal rebellion.’ This offence carries severe penalties under the South Korean Penal Code (Article 87).
- Abuse of Authority: Yoon’s failure to provide concrete evidence justifying martial law based on ‘anti-state elements’ is presented as proof of arbitrary use of power.
- Attack on Democratic Processes: Actions taken to obstruct parliamentary functions and suppress media freedom are cited as violations of constitutional rights.
Yoon and his legal team argue the martial law declaration was not a constitutional offence but an ‘extraordinary measure’ necessary for protecting national security. Yoon maintains he did not institute full military rule, but merely issued a warning against ‘internal threats’. Furthermore, the swift rescission of martial law is presented as evidence that he lacked intent to suspend the constitution entirely.
Impeachment precedents in South Korean politics
Impeachment trials for heads of state are infrequent but significant milestones in South Korea’s democratic history. Prior to Yoon Suk Yeol’s 2024 impeachment proceedings, two previous attempts offer relevant context: Roh Moo-hyun (2004) and Park Geun-hye (2016-2017). These cases may serve as precedents for Yoon’s situation regarding both procedural aspects and potential outcomes.
The 2004 impeachment attempt against Roh Moo-hyun, a prominent Democratic leader, provides a key precedent.
Roh Moo-hyun faced impeachment after openly expressing support for his Uri Party (Open Party) ahead of the 2004 general elections, drawing criticism from the opposition for violating presidential impartiality. He was accused of violating election laws and abusing his authority. The National Assembly voted 191 to 2 to impeach him. The case then went before the Constitutional Court. The court acknowledged that Roh’s actions constituted constitutional violations but ruled they were not ‘grave’ enough to justify removal from office. Roh enjoyed significant public support at the time, and street protests exerted pressure in his favor. The Constitutional Court ultimately rejected the impeachment in a 6-3 decision, and Roh was reinstated. This ruling established a precedent, demonstrating the high threshold required for a ‘grave constitutional violation’ warranting impeachment. Consequently, Roh’s case remains the sole instance in South Korea where an impeached head of state was returned to office. Compared to Yoon’s situation, Roh’s case involved less severe charges, lacking accusations related to military force deployment or ‘sedition’.
A more recent comparison involves the 2016-2017 impeachment of Park Geun-hye.
Park was impeached by the National Assembly on December 9, 2016, and subsequently removed from office by a Constitutional Court ruling on March 10, 2017. Park faced accusations of allowing her close confidante, Choi Soon-sil, to illicitly interfere in state affairs, sharing confidential documents, accepting bribes, and abusing presidential authority. The scandal centered on allegations that Choi solicited millions of dollars from major corporations and that Park was complicit in this corruption network. The National Assembly approved the impeachment motion by a vote of 234 to 56. The Constitutional Court reviewed the case and found that Park had ‘systematically and continuously’ violated her constitutional duties. While Park’s defense maintained her relationship with Choi was purely personal and did not influence state affairs, the court determined that substantial evidence and witness testimony indicated otherwise. Millions participated in street protests throughout the proceedings. The Constitutional Court unanimously (8-0) upheld Park’s impeachment. Subsequently, Park faced a criminal investigation and was sentenced in 2018 to 24 years in prison for offences including bribery and abuse of power.
While Roh’s impeachment centered on political violations, the cases against Park and Yoon involve arguably more severe charges. However, Yoon’s declaration of martial law, involving the potential use of military force against democratic institutions, is widely perceived as representing an even graver constitutional crisis than Park’s scandal.
In conclusion, the final resolution of Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment case remains pending due to intricate legal questions, the Constitutional Court’s deliberate approach, and complex socio-political dynamics. While the Constitutional Court’s judgment is anticipated in the near future, possibly within days or weeks, a precise timeline cannot be predicted. This ongoing uncertainty contributes significantly to the political instability currently facing South Korea.
Asia
South Korea emerges as major beneficiary of shifts in global arms market
Uncertainty in the global arms market, driven by the United States reassessing its relationships with allies and a broad rearmament drive across many countries, is creating major commercial opportunities for South Korea. According to an analysis published by Politico, Seoul has become the world’s fastest-growing supplier of military equipment.
The report said that large-scale conflicts around the world have created urgent demand for weapons as countries seek both to support allies and strengthen their own defenses against potential future confrontations. At the same time, changes in the US role within the global arms market have opened new opportunities for South Korean manufacturers. Statements and policy decisions by US President Donald Trump regarding NATO have led allies to question Washington’s reliability in times of crisis, increasing uncertainty across the global market. In addition, the diversion of a large share of US weapons supplies to the Middle East because of ongoing conflicts has placed further strain on already overstretched supply chains.
European countries increase purchases from South Korea
Faced with what Politico described as the Trump administration’s more distant approach toward allies, European countries in particular have accelerated arms purchases from South Korea. The publication noted that Seoul’s growing influence as a supplier has been driven largely by major defense contracts signed with Poland.
Following the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine, several Eastern European capitals, including Warsaw, transferred portions of their military inventories to Kyiv, relying on German support to replenish their arsenals. However, Berlin’s slow pace in replacing allied stockpiles generated frustration across the region.
South Korea emerged as an alternative supplier during this period and became a reliable source of military equipment for Eastern European countries. Poland became Seoul’s largest customer through a $13.7 billion agreement covering the purchase of tanks, rocket launchers, self-propelled howitzers and other military equipment.
“We were originally preparing against North Korea, but now we are ready to provide these solutions to customers around the world,” said Choo Hyung-kim, head of the Security Management Institute, a defense analysis organization affiliated with South Korea’s National Assembly.
Lack of political baggage gives Seoul an advantage
Politico reported that one of the greatest advantages enjoyed by South Korean defense companies is the absence of the “political baggage” associated with major arms exporters such as the United States, China, Russia and Israel.
According to the figures cited, the combined projected revenue of South Korea’s largest defense companies, including Hanwha Group, Hyundai Rotem, LIG Nex1 and Korea Aerospace Industries, is expected to reach approximately $37 billion in 2026. That would represent a fourfold increase from their combined revenues in 2021.
Meanwhile, an official from the office of former South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol told the Yonhap news agency in 2024 that the scale of any weapons shipments to Ukraine would depend on Russia’s approach to its relationship with North Korea. Seoul later clarified that it had no plans to provide ammunition directly to Ukraine.
Asia
DeepSeek raises $7.4 billion in funding round, surpasses $50 billion valuation
Chinese artificial intelligence startup DeepSeek has raised more than 50 billion yuan ($7.4 billion) in its first funding round. According to Reuters, citing The Information, the company’s valuation has surpassed $50 billion.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported that the capital will be used to support the costly development of advanced artificial intelligence technologies.
According to the newspaper, citing sources familiar with the matter, investors valued the company at more than $50 billion. The valuation makes DeepSeek the most valuable AI startup in China.
DeepSeek founder Liang Wenfeng reportedly owned about 90% of the company before the funding round. Liang is said to have contributed roughly $3 billion during the fundraising process, making him the largest participant in the round.
According to Reuters, the transaction was structured in an unusual way that allows Liang to retain control of the company.
Rather than investing directly in DeepSeek, investors were required to invest through a limited partnership managed by a senior executive of the startup. Under the arrangement, investors were not granted voting rights. The report also said restrictions were placed on the use of invested funds for a period of five years.
The sole exception was the China National Artificial Intelligence Industry Investment Fund. The fund reportedly invested approximately $150 million directly in DeepSeek, allowing it to retain both voting rights and full discretion over its stake.
Other major investors in the funding round included Tencent, which invested approximately $1.5 billion, and Contemporary Amperex Technology, which invested about $740 million.
Bloomberg previously described the transaction as one of the largest fundraising rounds undertaken by a Chinese startup. According to the agency, the investment marks a new stage in the efforts of leading Chinese AI companies to compete with their US rivals.
DeepSeek told prospective investors that it would prioritize foundational and transformative AI research over short-term commercialization.
Based in the Chinese city of Hangzhou, DeepSeek emerged as one of Beijing’s most prominent AI companies after unveiling a more powerful and lower-cost model more than a year ago. The WSJ reported that interest surrounding the company has accelerated AI adoption in China and increased investor appetite for domestic startups.
Liang Wenfeng has previously said he intends to continue developing open-source AI models and ultimately aims to achieve artificial general intelligence (AGI). According to Bloomberg, the strategy continues an approach that has contributed to the spread of open models and influenced companies across China’s AI market, including Alibaba’s Qwen platform.
Bloomberg added that while global rivals such as OpenAI and Anthropic are exploring public offerings and revenue-generation strategies, DeepSeek has maintained its “research first” approach.
Asia
China issues white paper on global governance reform, urging support for UN-centered international system
China’s State Council Information Office on Wednesday released a white paper titled “A More Just and Equitable Global Governance: China’s Principles, Proposals and Actions.”
The white paper was issued to introduce China’s principles, proposals, and actions regarding global governance, to foster a broader consensus within the international community, to enable more effective responses to global challenges, and to build a more just and equitable global governance system.
The document states that global governance is a common endeavor concerning the well-being of all humanity, and that building a just and equitable global governance system is a shared vision long pursued by people around the world. It also emphasizes that China has always been an active participant, contributor, and builder of global governance.
According to the white paper, in the new era, Chinese President Xi Jinping has put forward the vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind. Advancing a global governance system shaped on the basis of extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, Xi has called for true multilateralism to promote an equal and orderly multipolar world and an economic globalization that is inclusive and beneficial for all.
In 2025, Xi proposed the Global Governance Initiative (GGI). This initiative was designed to offer China’s solutions to two urgent questions of the era: What kind of global governance system should be established, and how should global governance be reformed and improved?
The white paper notes that shortly after its introduction, the GGI received support from approximately 160 countries and international organizations, with more than 60 countries joining the Group of Friends of the Global Governance Initiative. It states that the international community is of the view that the GGI sends a clear message: to defend multilateralism, join forces, and strive for a just future.
According to the white paper, the GGI aligns with the growing trend toward greater democracy in international relations and strengthens international confidence in the practice of multilateralism. The initiative provides a clear and actionable roadmap for the improvement of global governance, injecting valuable stability and positive energy into a turbulent world.
The white paper emphasizes that China proposed the GGI to accelerate the construction of a more just and equitable global governance system. The document states that firmly defending the authority and status of the United Nations is of fundamental importance for the effective implementation of this initiative.
According to the white paper, success will also depend on major countries acting with a sense of responsibility and all nations working together in unity to bridge deficits in peace and development. It states that rather than attempting to reinvent the wheel, all countries must firmly defend the international system with the UN at its core, maintain the international order based on international law, and uphold the fundamental norms of international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.
In addition to the preface and conclusion, the white paper consists of five chapters: “Today’s World Faces Severe and Complex Challenges,” “The Global Governance Initiative Responds to the Challenges of Our Era,” “China’s Contribution to the Development of Global Governance,” “Directing the Course of Change Toward a Bright Future,” and “Advancing Hand in Hand at a Critical Juncture in History.”
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