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End subservience to the US, Varoufakis tells Australia

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Former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis has called on Australia to end its ‘subservience’ to the United States and rebuild its reputation as a country that ‘acts on its own’, including by turning to peaceful cooperation with China.

Speaking at the National Press Club in Canberra on Wednesday, Varoufakis, a former Greek minister who holds an Australian passport, said a diplomatic approach to Beijing would be a ‘much better way’ than buying nuclear-powered submarines that would ‘force China’s political class to close ranks around an authoritarian core’.

Varoufakis’ speech came a year after Australia, the UK and the US announced the timetable for the delivery of nuclear-powered submarines to Australia as part of the AUKUS alliance, which aims to reduce China’s influence.

Downshift in expectations for deal

Expectations for the deal were dampened by reports that Washington was planning to slow down submarine production.

The new defence budget of President Joe Biden’s administration has halved submarine production, reducing Virginia-class submarine production from two to one by 2025.

This has raised questions about Washington’s ability to meet its commitment to sell Canberra up to five nuclear-powered vessels from the 2030s.

The latest US announcement was expected by critics of the AUKUS, such as respected Australian defence expert Hugh White, who argued that Australia did not need such submarines and that Washington’s ability to deliver them was questionable.

On Wednesday, former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull told local media that the US would not sacrifice its own defence needs to meet Australia’s. “The Americans are not going to make their own submarine deficit worse than it already is by giving or selling submarines to Australia,” he said.

Senate inquiry into AUKUS submarine nuclear waste

Speaking at a press conference on Wednesday, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese denied that the deviation would derail Canberra’s submarine purchase plans, saying he remained committed to the purchase and pointing out that Australia’s agreement with the US and Britain had already been approved by the US Congress.

On the same day, a Senate inquiry was held in Canberra into new legislation that would allow the nationwide dumping of nuclear waste from AUKUS submarines.

Varoufakis said that using weapons such as submarines to counter Beijing’s aggression in the South China Sea was not the answer.

Citing Russia’s intervention in Ukraine, he said that current world events proved this.

“After repeated promises not to expand NATO, which have been completely violated by the West… does that justify Putin using this particular violation of promises as a weapon to invade Ukraine? I don’t think so,” he said.

“In other words, let’s be reasonable. Let’s keep diplomatic proportionality. And certainly let’s not spend A$368 billion on submarines that will be of no use to Australia, that will do nothing – it will do nothing to alleviate the threats that you’re talking about,” Varoufakis said.

‘A false perspective on a non-existent threat’

While it is right to be concerned that Beijing is ‘backtracking’ on its promises not to militarise the South China Sea, Varoufakis said diplomacy or at most ‘some military manoeuvres commensurate with the threat’ were needed.

He said Australia should only respond if there is a real provocation, such as Chinese ships entering Australian territorial waters, otherwise weapons such as AUKUS submarines ‘create a false perspective of a threat that does not exist’.

Similar warnings have been issued by former Australian officials such as former Prime Minister Paul Keating.

Varoufakis said the AUKUS deal would ‘give impetus to a new Cold War’ and that Australia would do more for its reputation by neutralising such an initiative than by participating in it.

“Australia has an obligation to defuse the new Cold War. This can only be done by ending Australia’s subservience to the US, which actively creates threats and makes us pay for protection from those threats,” he said.

Fears over loss of dollar hegemony

“Imagine an Australia that helps bring about a just peace in Ukraine instead of a senseless perpetual war… An unaligned Australia that is never neutral in the face of injustice, but at the same time does not automatically participate in every warmongering adventure its allies decide on,” Varoufakis continued.

He said Washington’s move to contain Beijing was motivated neither by Beijing’s growing military power nor by concerns that it might invade Taiwan, but by fears that US global financial dominance would be disrupted by China’s ‘cloud capital’ systems, including non-bank online payment methods.

“America’s hegemony … is entirely based on its ability to maintain its monopoly on international dollar-denominated payments,” Varoufakis said, adding that ‘this is what allows the US to make the rest of the world pay for its deficits’.

ASIA

How will Trump’s potential tariffs affect Southeast Asia?

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Southeast Asia is worried about Donald Trump’s threat of universal tariffs and a new trade war with China. Five of the region’s six largest economies run a trade surplus with the United States.

But experts say the situation may not be so bad. The region, which tries to remain geopolitically neutral, saw an increase in gross trade with both China and the U.S. between 2017 and 2020 during Trump’s first presidency. Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand have benefited as companies from China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the U.S. have expanded their production bases in Southeast Asia to avoid U.S. tariffs.

Experts say exports and economic growth will take a hit in the short term, but the region could benefit from trade diversion and substitution.

What is Trump’s tariff threat?

The goal of Trump’s trade policy is to bring manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. and decouple supply chains from China. Trump and his advisers claim that China’s trade advantage is due to “currency manipulation, intellectual property theft and forced technology transfer”.

During his first term, Trump used executive powers to impose tariffs of up to 25% on $250bn of electronics, machinery and consumer goods imported from China. Beijing retaliated with similar measures on U.S. agricultural, automotive and technology exports.

Now Trump has proposed a 60 per cent tariff on all Chinese goods entering the U.S. and tariffs of up to 20 per cent on imports from everywhere else.

How bad could it be for Southeast Asia?

According to Oxford Economics, about 40 per cent of Cambodia’s exports go to the U.S., making it the largest exporter in Asean as a percentage of total exports, followed by Vietnam with 27.4 per cent and Thailand with 17 per cent. Thanavath Phonvichai, president of the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, said the Thai economy could take a 160.5 billion baht ($4.6 billion) hit if Trump fulfils his promises.

Vietnam has the world’s fourth-largest trade surplus with the United States. This imbalance has been growing rapidly as Chinese, Taiwanese and South Korean companies have used Vietnam to avoid Trump-era tariffs. Vietnam’s fortunes could change just as quickly, especially if the U.S. continues to classify Vietnam as a ‘non-market economy’, which requires higher tariffs.

Uncertainty over Trump’s tariffs could cause companies to pause or halt investment plans in Southeast Asia. U.S. companies accounted for about half of Singapore’s $9.5 billion in fixed-asset investment last year, according to the city-state’s Economic Development Board. In his congratulatory letter to Trump, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong was quick to remind him that the United States enjoys a “consistent trade surplus” with Singapore.

Any blow to the Chinese economy will have repercussions for Asean countries that depend on Chinese consumption, export demand and tourism. A reduced appetite for Chinese goods will also affect Southeast Asian suppliers of inputs to Chinese producers. Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s largest economy, will suffer the most because it exports 24.2 per cent of its goods to China, mainly commodities.

Unable to send their goods to the U.S., Chinese exporters may turn to Southeast Asia, where governments have faced complaints from local producers hurt by dumping in metals, textiles, and consumer goods.

What is Southeast Asia’s advantage?

Southeast Asia’s current manufacturing boom started because of the trade war. Over time, analysts expect trade substitution and diversion to outweigh the hit to growth.

“We think a stronger crackdown on China could lead to more supply chain diversion as Chinese companies trade and invest more in Asia,” said Jayden Vantarakis, head of ASEAN research at Macquarie Capital.

“Electric vehicle factories, which some Southeast Asian governments are aggressively pursuing, could provide an economic buffer. Demand for EVs is also growing outside the U.S., so I think there could be a net benefit for Indonesia. Smaller countries that are trying to be carbon neutral, especially as petrol prices get more expensive, will try to take over the supply and buy more electric cars,” said Sumit Agarwal, a professor at the National University of Singapore’s School of Business.

Trump’s promised tariffs could embolden Asean governments to impose anti-dumping duties on Chinese goods, as Thailand did on rolled steel this year. Stricter U.S. rules of origin could also give governments an opportunity to ensure that more high-value parts are produced and assembled locally.

How will Southeast Asian currencies and markets be affected?

Trump’s tariffs could reduce pressure on Southeast Asian central banks to ease monetary policy further.

“Essentially, Trump’s victory is inflationary for the world because of his planned tariffs, so the global monetary normalization or easing cycle will probably not be as sharp as previously thought, including in the Philippines,” said Miguel Chanco, chief emerging Asia economist at UK-based Pantheon Macroeconomics.

Speaking to Nikkei Asia, Chanco said Southeast Asian currencies will not strengthen as much as previously expected, partly because markets are re-pricing the pace of easing by the U.S. Federal Reserve and thus the dollar will continue to strengthen.

Among Southeast Asia’s six major economies, the Thai baht and Malaysian ringgit have been the worst-performing currencies since Trump’s victory, losing 3.2 per cent and 2.9 per cent respectively against the U.S. dollar through Wednesday.

Thai brokerage InnovestX recommended stocks that would benefit from a strong dollar and weak baht. These include companies with significant export earnings, such as CP Foods and Delta Electronics, or tourism-related companies such as Airports of Thailand, property developers and hoteliers.

Governments are already taking steps to reduce their over-dependence on the U.S. or China by deepening ties with other countries and regions and emphasizing their neutrality.

Southeast Asian economies in particular are also expected to focus on building resilience by strengthening intra-ASEAN trade.

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ASIA

Japan’s exports rise despite global risks, boosted by China

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Japan’s exports rose more than expected in October, driven by strong demand from China and other parts of Asia, despite growing uncertainties in global markets.

Exports increased by 3.1% year-on-year, led by significant growth in shipments of chip-making equipment, particularly to China, according to the Finance Ministry’s report on Wednesday. This marked a rebound following the first drop in 10 months in September. October’s figures exceeded economists’ forecasts of a 1% rise and were also bolstered by increased shipments of medical products to the United States.

Meanwhile, imports edged up by 0.4%, defying expectations of a 1.9% decline. As a result, the trade deficit widened to 461.2 billion yen ($2.98 billion), compared to 294.1 billion yen in the previous month.

This stronger-than-expected export performance has raised optimism about Japan’s economic recovery. Although the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) expanded for the second consecutive quarter through September, the pace of growth has been tempered by the drag from net exports.

“Today’s data raises hopes that external demand will revive in the October-December quarter,” said Hiroshi Miyazaki, Senior Research Fellow at the Itochu Research Institute. “The Chinese government’s stimulus measures have stabilized its economy and reversed the prior decline.”

Exports to China rose by 1.5% last month, rebounding from a 7.3% drop in September, with semiconductor manufacturing equipment exports surging by nearly a third. These gains align with signs that China’s stimulus policies are beginning to yield results, driving growth in certain sectors and boosting consumer spending.

Notably, Japanese exports grew despite the yen’s strengthening against the dollar, averaging 145.87 yen per dollar in October—2% stronger than the previous year, according to ministry data.

The export rebound occurs against a backdrop of heightened concerns about global trade policies. Business leaders are bracing for the potential return of Donald Trump to the White House, with fears that his proposed tariffs—60% on imports from China and 20% on other nations—could disrupt international commerce.

Some regions are already experiencing a slowdown. Shipments to the United States and Europe declined by 6.2% and 11.3%, respectively, in October.

The Bank of Japan (BoJ) is closely monitoring these developments. BoJ Governor Kazuo Ueda noted on Monday that while the Federal Reserve’s prospects for a soft landing have improved, risks tied to the U.S. economy and their impact on global markets require careful consideration.

The most pressing concern for Japan’s trade outlook is the impact of potential U.S. tariffs. Historical data from the U.S.-China trade war (2018-2019) suggests that a 1% increase in export prices, including tariffs, led to a 0.35 percentage-point reduction in profit margins for Chinese exporters, according to research from Stanford University’s Centre for Chinese Economics and Institutions. A similar scenario could hurt Japanese firms’ profitability, counteracting gains from the yen’s depreciation.

“We are not yet at a stage where Trump’s tariff policy is clearly impacting export volumes or exporters’ behavior,” Miyazaki told The Japan Times. “However, there remains significant uncertainty, and we must continue to monitor the policy stance of the next Trump administration,” he added.

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ASIA

IMF reviews Pakistan’s $7bn bailout

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An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team conducted an unscheduled visit to Pakistan last week to assess the country’s progress on the terms of its $7 billion bailout package. The surprise visit, coming less than two months after the loan’s approval, has raised questions about the future of the bailout program. IMF staff are expected to present their findings to the Washington-based executive board for review.

What prompted the IMF’s unexpected visit to Pakistan?

Several officials, speaking to Nikkei Asia on condition of anonymity, highlighted key factors prompting the visit. These included a $685 million shortfall in the government’s tax collection target for the first quarter of the current fiscal year and a $2.5 billion deficit in the external financing required under the bailout terms. Compounding these issues was the failed sale of Pakistan International Airlines (PIA), a key component of the IMF-recommended privatisation drive.

While routine IMF program review visits are standard, the timing of this visit—just seven weeks after board approval—has raised concerns. “This suggests significant difficulties in implementing the program,” said Naafey Sardar, an economics professor at St. Olaf College in the United States, speaking to Nikkei Asia.

Ikram ul Haq, a lawyer specializing in economic and tax policy, added, “The reality is that the government’s promises to the IMF have not been fulfilled.”

What were the key issues discussed?

The IMF raised the issue of the tax gap and urged action to ensure that Pakistan meets its annual tax collection target of $46 billion.

Islamabad was also asked to engage with Saudi Arabia and China, the largest investor, to bridge the external financing gap. Promised energy sector reforms and the repayment of billions of dollars of debt owed to mostly Chinese-backed power plants in Pakistan were also discussed.

Another issue was for the IMF to press provincial governments for more funds, such as the Benazir Income Support Programme, which provides a $2.1 billion annual cash transfer for poverty alleviation, currently paid for by the central government.

How does agricultural income tax fit into this picture?

As part of the loan agreement, Pakistan’s provinces missed an end-October deadline to harmonize their agricultural income tax laws with the federal income tax.

The IMF had previously said that Pakistan’s loan agreement would be in jeopardy if agricultural income remained largely untaxed. During the meetings, provincial government officials told the IMF that they would face significant difficulties in implementing a higher tax.

Economist Aqdas Afzal said such a move would face significant opposition from big landowners, who are disproportionately represented in the federal and provincial assemblies.

“Given the weak mandate of the current government, a higher agricultural income tax is unlikely as it could trigger major social and political unrest,” he added.

What assurances has the government given to the IMF?

Pakistan has assured the IMF that it will increase the provincial agricultural income tax rate by up to 45 percent. It has also pledged to meet annual tax collection targets and to continue reforms in the energy sector and state-owned enterprises.

“This is an ongoing dialogue process and there have been discussions [with the IMF] on energy and SOE reforms, the privatization agenda and public finance,” Pakistan’s Finance and Revenue Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb told local media.

Haq, a tax expert, said the government’s primary focus would be on meeting the six-month revenue collection target set by Pakistan’s Federal Board of Revenue, a government agency that regulates and collects taxes.

What are the challenges ahead for Pakistan’s loan agreement?

Meeting tough tax targets and implementing structural reforms are major hurdles for the government to overcome.

The IMF has previously cancelled other loan programmes when conditions were not met. Payments to Pakistan could be suspended or stopped altogether, which would be a serious blow to a country struggling with a sputtering economy.

The IMF is pressing for cuts in government spending.

“Structural reforms are being resisted by vested interests, making efforts to meet IMF conditions even more difficult,” Haq said.

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