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Crisis: Responsibilities and the necessity of a new approach

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Afghanistan, a country with a long history of war and instability, is still in the grip of one of its most difficult crises. This crisis is not only the product of the performance of a group or a single factor, but the result of a complex and multidimensional interaction between the ruling group, the international community, political strata and the people of Afghanistan.

In order to successfully overcome this situation and achieve lasting peace and stability, it is necessary to examine the factors of the crisis and its solutions with a deeper look and a more comprehensive assessment.

1. Governing group: Totalitarian ideology

The Taliban’s way of governing, whether in the first period of rule or during the last three years, shows the management under the control of an extreme, closed and exclusive ideology.

This ideology not only denies intellectual, cultural and religious diversity, but also considers and suppresses any difference as a threat to its survival. The policies of the Taliban in order to institutionalize this ideology can be seen in the following cases:

Systematic repression: The Taliban try to maintain power with tools such as field trials, torture, physical elimination and brutal revenge against opponents. These practices, which have been widely documented by reputable national and international bodies, have not only not decreased, but have intensified.

Ignoring all legal mechanisms and standards (national and international) and denying people’s basic rights has trapped the society in a cycle of deep fear and mistrust towards the present and the future.

Monopoly of power: The Taliban have not only excluded different ethnicities and classes from participating in power, but also severely suppress any dissenting voice, even among themselves. This exclusivity is the main obstacle in the way of creating an inclusive system.

Instrumental use of religion: With a limited and distorted interpretation of Islam, the Taliban consider any opposition to their rule as blasphemy and consider any change based on the correct interpretation of religion and international standards as a sin.

The leaders of this group believe that only they have a true understanding of Islam and expect unconditional allegiance from the people of Afghanistan, while they also ask the international community to follow their orders without question. This approach has not only put the Afghan society in an intellectual dilemma, but also distorted the face of Islam in the world.

2. Global society: Passive or interest-oriented?

Over the past three years, the international community’s response to the Afghan crisis has been passive at best and opportunistic at worst. This situation is caused by several key factors:

Conflict of interest: Instead of focusing on the sustainable solution of the Afghan crisis through a transparent and comprehensive mechanism, the world’s powerful countries have focused more on their short-term interests. Some have cooperated with the Taliban under the pretext of fighting terrorism and drug trafficking, while others have had limited support for this group due to regional rivalries. Meanwhile, the Taliban are still considered a threat to regional and global security.

Lack of a comprehensive strategy: So far, the international community has not been able to create a single and coherent strategy to deal with the Taliban. This dispersion enabled the Taliban to exploit the existing contradictions and strengthen their positions.

3. Afghan people: Internal responsibility for change

The role of the ruling group and the international community in the Afghan crisis is undeniable, but the Afghan people must also accept their responsibility in this situation. Without understanding this responsibility, sustainable change will not be possible. The main obstacles in this path are:

Silence against oppression: Afghan women and girls have bravely stood up against oppression for the past three years. If men were also with them, maybe today’s situation would be different.

Lack of national unity: Ethnic, linguistic and political differences are the main obstacle to the development and formation of a common national identity. Afghan people should put aside their differences and unite for a common goal.

Flight of elites: The mass migration of elites has deprived Afghanistan of its valuable human resources. These people should return and play a role in the reconstruction of the country if the conditions are met.

The role of political classes: Some former political leaders no longer have a place among the people. Their abuse of ethnic feelings will lead to their isolation and notoriety. Instead, clean-handed politicians should focus on integration and building a national system instead of revenge.

Consequences of the continuation of the crisis for Afghanistan and the world.

For Afghanistan: Increase in poverty and unemployment, suppression of freedoms, widespread violation of human rights and deprivation of women from education are among the consequences of this crisis. The continuation of this process will turn Afghanistan into an isolated and defeated country.

For the region and the world: Afghanistan under the control of the Taliban has become a safe base for terrorist groups and will threaten regional and global security. Also, the current government will question human values ​​and cause the spread of extremism.

Solutions: Joint responsibility and multilateral approach

To get out of this crisis, all parties must accept their responsibility:

Pressure on the Taliban: The international community should use economic, political and legal tools to put pressure on the Taliban. Targeted sanctions and support for civil institutions can reduce the Taliban’s power.

Strengthening internal unity: The people and political strata of Afghanistan should learn from past differences and strive to create a national system based on law and public opinion.

Investing in education and awareness: Education and awareness are the keys to sustainable change in Afghanistan. The international community and Afghan elites should focus on strengthening the educational infrastructure.

Conclusion: Afghanistan’s future depends on a law-based system

Afghanistan will overcome the current crisis only when a political system based on law, justice and public participation with broad social foundations is established. Such a system should be representative of all ethnicities and classes and be based on the principles of equality, human rights and the rule of law.

This goal will be achieved only through the responsible cooperation of all parties. The future of this country depends on a deep understanding of this shared responsibility.

Asia

Analysts warn new surge in Chinese exports threatens global markets

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Financial Times writer Ryan Avent has written that a fresh, rapid surge in China’s trade surplus could signal a new wave of the “China shock”.

Economists define the “China shock” as a spike in Chinese exports to global markets that intensifies competition for manufacturers in advanced economies and curtails employment in certain sectors.

The term gained widespread currency after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, accelerating the inflow of inexpensive Chinese goods into the US and other nations.

The US was the country hit hardest by the initial shockwave. Between 1999 and 2011, more than 2 million jobs were lost because domestic producers were unable to withstand the competition.

Avent argued that the effects of the initial wave are still felt across the American economy because China failed to carry out the rebalancing that the world expected.

The share of net exports in China’s gross domestic product contracted during the 2007-2019 period, allowing Western nations to focus on national security and other matters.

Avent reported that the trade surplus is now escalating rapidly once again, posing a threat to the economies of wealthy nations.

The writer pointed to the stagnation of domestic demand following the collapse of the real estate market six years ago as one cause of this surplus. Another prominent factor is the Beijing government’s channelling of massive resources into manufacturing in pursuit of self-sufficiency.

Attention was also drawn to the role of the depreciating yuan. An appreciation of the currency could require China to alter its foreign exchange interventions, reduce purchases of foreign currency and assets, and sell those assets off. That scenario could trigger currency depreciation and rising interest rates in other countries.

The Wall Street Journal also reported in the spring of 2024 on economists’ concerns regarding a potential second wave.

Experts predicted that global markets would once again be flooded with inexpensive goods, stating that China was manufacturing far beyond domestic demand to overcome its economic troubles.

Moreover, it was stressed that China is now competing in high-technology fields such as automobiles, computer chips, and complex machinery manufacturing.

Meanwhile, Vasiliy Kashin, Director of the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics (HSE) University in Moscow, told the Russian media outlet RBC that the US has imposed sanctions on the Chinese economy since the first shock period, adding that these measures would very likely tighten in the event of a fresh export wave.

According to assessments reported by the Financial Times, this new process could also shake China’s own economy. Alongside rising output, entry-level manufacturing plants across the country are turning toward automation and reducing personnel.

This trend could trigger a painful departure from labour-intensive production, leaving millions unemployed. Manufacturing activities in China that previously capitalised on cheap labour are shifting to other Southeast Asian countries.

The Beijing administration rejected allegations that its industrialisation steps pose risks to other countries. As reported by the Xinhua news agency, China’s Ministry of Commerce stressed that claims of a “China shock 2.0” are groundless. The ministry stated:

“The US and other Western countries have circulated the so-called ‘China shock 2.0’ narrative, asserting that China’s industrial development has shaken Western monopolies and narrowed growth space for Global South countries. This claim is unsupported by concrete data and is entirely unfounded.”

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Iran and China run secret barter network to bypass oil sanctions

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Iran is operating a covert, barter-like trade mechanism to bypass sanctions on its oil sales and procure billions of dollars in goods from China, including military hardware.

Speaking to the Reuters news agency, two senior Iranian officials and three sources closely monitoring the matter said the Tehran administration receives credits for goods imported from China instead of cash in exchange for the oil it sells to the country.

The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, emphasised that this method of swapping oil revenues for Chinese goods provides an immediate financial lifeline to the Tehran government at a time when the US has intensified economic and military pressure over its nuclear programme.

China, the world’s largest crude importer, continues to access discounted Iranian oil through this arrangement while shielding its banks and exporting companies from the risk of international penalties.

Although the Washington administration has imposed sanctions on several small-scale Chinese entities facilitating the transport of Iranian oil, it avoids sweeping measures that could shake the global economy.

The US has stepped up its pressure as it seeks to reopen the Strait of Hormuz amid the ongoing war between the two countries.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said last month that countries failing to cut commercial ties with Tehran would risk exclusion from the dollar system.

It remains unclear how the barter mechanism has been affected by the US naval blockade imposed on Iran as part of the six-month-old war.

However, since the reimposition of the blockade on 14 July, no shipments of Iranian oil passing through the Strait of Hormuz to China have been recorded.

Beijing and Tehran, which describe Western unilateral sanctions as illegal, refrain from disclosing publicly how they sustain their trade.

Sources state that Tehran introduced this system to obtain pharmaceuticals, vehicles, and communications equipment. Chinese manufacturers are said to have no direct contact with Iran, and there is no indication that they are violating sanctions.

On the other hand, the mechanism was utilised at least once last year under contracts supplying Iran with millions of dollars’ worth of air defence equipment. The sources provided no details regarding the shipments in question, and the transactions were not independently verified.

The United Nations conventional arms embargo returned alongside other sanctions in September 2025 following the collapse of the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and world powers.

Tehran had withdrawn from the terms of the agreement, while Beijing and Tehran described the European nations’ automatic reimposition of sanctions as legally flawed.

Responding to questions from Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it had no knowledge of the trade structure in question.

Beijing stated that it opposes unilateral sanctions lacking United Nations Security Council authorisation and having no basis in international law.

Iran’s diplomatic missions in New York and Geneva remained silent on the inquiries. A US official speaking on behalf of the White House stated only that they are working with international partners, including the EU, to prevent Tehran from achieving its nuclear goals.

According to data analytics company Kpler, China purchased more than 80% of the crude oil exported by Iran in 2025. This share equates to an average of 1.4 million barrels per day.

Although the two countries signed a 25-year strategic partnership agreement in 2021 covering energy and infrastructure, the operational details of their cooperation remain largely confidential.

The model in question constitutes only one of the networks through which Iran procures goods and services from China without passing through international banking channels.

A Western official and two other individuals tracking the matter said that a buyer acting on behalf of state-owned Chinese oil company Zhuhai Zhenrong deposited hundreds of millions of dollars each month until this year into ChuXin, a shadow financial entity based in China.

These deposits reportedly represent payment for oil purchased from a Hong Kong-based company linked to the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC).

Approximately 70% of the oil revenues routed through ChuXin is allocated to infrastructure projects in Iran. The remainder is transferred to the accounts of a special purpose vehicle (SPV) established to disburse payments to companies supplying goods to Iran.

Sources close to Iran’s decision-making apparatus confirm the existence of this financial mechanism.

Fund management is shared between a firm acting on behalf of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and another entity linked to the Central Bank of Iran. When the Central Bank of Iran authorises importers, money transfers are directed to supplier firms. While the name ChuXin does not appear in official records, one source noted that the structure exists solely on balance sheets.

Andrea Ghiselli, an international politics specialist at the University of Exeter, stated that Beijing uses these indirect networks to demonstrate that it will not bow to US secondary sanction threats.

Highlighting that Chinese leaders aim to protect their own banks and firms from being pushed out of the global financial system, Ghiselli said: “They want to create deniability.”

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China leads $54bn capital injection into state banks and insurers

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China’s Ministry of Finance will lead a total capital injection of $54 billion into state-owned insurance companies and banks as part of a coordinated push to reinforce the capital structure across the country’s financial system, according to details disclosed by the institutions in statements on Sunday.

China Life Insurance (Group) Co, the country’s largest life insurer, will receive 35 billion yuan ($5.2 billion) in capital support, whilst China Taiping Insurance Group will receive 7 billion yuan.

In a separate announcement, People’s Insurance Company (Group) of China (PICC) said it plans to raise up to 15 billion yuan via a private placement of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance. The company stated that the proceeds will be used to replenish its capital.

The initiative could fortify the financial position of state insurers, which have been called upon to support the equity market with medium- and long-term funds. At the same time, it could position these institutions to help regulatory authorities manage smaller and higher-risk insurance companies.

Financial sector stability

China’s insurance industry has been contending with shrinking profitability caused by prolonged low interest rates. Solvency ratios across numerous small and medium-sized insurers have also deteriorated.

China Export and Credit Insurance Corp stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 10 billion yuan to boost the company’s core capital. China Reinsurance (Group) announced that it will execute a capital increase of 3 billion yuan.

“The capital injection represents an important step for enhancing the financial sector’s capacity to serve the real economy and promoting high-quality development across the financial and insurance industries,” China Life said in a statement. The insurer added that the capital support will improve the group’s resilience to risks.

Taiping also noted that the funds provided will strengthen the company’s solvency and other core metrics.

Banks benefit from recapitalisation plan

Separately, three state banks announced on Sunday that they will receive capital support totalling 290 billion yuan.

The recapitalisation framework was first announced during the annual parliamentary meetings in March this year. The move broadens a funding mechanism deployed last year to strengthen the capital structures of several other major state-owned lenders.

Agricultural Bank of China and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), two of the country’s largest state-owned lenders, announced plans to raise up to 160 billion yuan and 100 billion yuan, respectively, through private placements of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance, China National Tobacco Corp, and affiliated entities.

Both lenders confirmed that all net proceeds will be deployed to replenish their Core Tier 1 capital. The measure is expected to help sustain credit expansion at a juncture when Beijing is increasingly relying on state lenders to support economic growth.

Weak credit demand remains a persistent headwind for the world’s second-largest economy, while continuing to erode profitability across the banking sector.

Export-Import Bank of China, one of the country’s three policy banks, stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 30 billion yuan of capital into the institution, thereby bolstering its capital base.

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