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Death of a myth: Wage hike does not lead to inflation

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When Germany’s largest labour union, IG Metall, agreed to a 5.2 per cent wage rise last November, monetary policymakers breathed a great sigh of relief. As reported in Financial Times, this deal finally eased central banks’ inconvenient wage-price spiral fears.

The fear that wage increases will lead to price increases (and hence inflation) is quite widespread. We see that not only the Germans but also the British live with the same concern. Bank of England President Andrew Bailey says the wage bargain needs to be “restrained” or things will get out of hand. Jason Furman, who was the Director of the National Economic Council under Barack Obama, is also clear: Increasing wages also increases prices. According to Furman, this is “basic micro and common sense.”

European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde said they would look at the increase in wages to see if they would continue to raise interest rates in Europe. Last May, Lagarde rejected bank employees’ desire to link wage increases to consumer price increases and wrote that this was “not acceptable and desirable”.

Klaas Knot, president of the Bank of the Netherlands, who has been skeptical about wage increases at the level of inflation, said they should be on high alert for any “feedback loop” to wage and price increases, but added that current wage developments do not provide clear evidence that they are entering a wage-price spiral in the eurozone.

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell has made the most explicit statement. In explaining why they’re raising interest rates; Powell makes it clear that they want to reduce demand and lower wages. Powell thinks they can do all this without slowing the economy and putting it in recession. However, clearly, interest rate hike aims to reduce the bargaining power of the working class and suppress wages by increasing unemployment.

What is the wage-price spiral?

The technical wage-price spiral recipe: at least three out of four consecutive quarters have a wage-price spiral if both consumer prices and nominal wages increase. To give a more concise definition, price increase triggers the wage increase, and wage increase causes the capital owner to increase the prices, and so on.

The debt between Thomas Weston, a leader of the carpenter’s union, and Karl Marx at the International Working Men’s Association in 1865 is the historical example of this issue. Just like the central banks argue today, Weston said that capitalists reflected the increase in wages to increase in prices to protect their profits; increasing prices would reduce the purchasing power of workers and thus keep real wages in place. That is, Watson concluded that a struggle or bargain for wage increases was useless.

Marx’s answer to this is summarized in the manuscript we know as Value, Price, Profit. Marx presents three arguments against Weston: First, wage increases come to the fore not out of the blue, but usually as a reaction to rising prices. Second, wages don’t cause inflation, but multiple factors influence it: The size of production, the productive forces of labor, the value of money, fluctuations in market prices, and the different phases of industrial cycles. So, for example, under the condition that wages remain the same, a change in the amount of money in the market (or the value of money) can trigger inflation. Or, again, a change in labor efficiency (i.e., productivity) has a direct impact on commodity prices, provided wages remain the same.

Moreover, according to Marx, it is true that a general rise in wage levels reduces overall profit rates, but this does not directly affect the prices of commodities. Capitalists and their ideologists object to the increase in wages, not because prices will increase, but because profits will decrease. The physical limit here is to provide the means of livelihood required for the employee working today to work tomorrow. However, Marx says that in some examples, the wage received by the workers can be pushed below the minimum subsistence. Such a reduce in labor costs is compensated by charity on national scope or laws on supporting the poor. Hence, the question of how to detect wages and profits is answered dynamically, not statically, and the answer is determined by the opposing classes’ struggles and balances of power.

It will happen again: The claim that workers’ “excessive” demands for wages will lead to inflation is an assumption raised by the capitalist and his ideologists, who know that their profits will decrease. Now, it is time talk about the cracks on this front.

IMF’s confession 

IMF economists are finding it very difficult to find the evidence they have been looking for from history for a wage-price spiral. A recently published article examines wage-price spirals in the last 60 years of advanced economies.

The conclusion reached by IMF economists is that wage-price spirals are difficult to find in recent historical records, at least when they are defined as a continuous increase in prices and wages. Moreover, the IMF has even more difficulty in finding the wage-price spiral in other historical periods when real wages has fallen like today. What happens is the nominal wage increases that only partially replace the real wage loss.

The examples found by the economists showing fall in real wages and tight labour market as experienced today, often prioritize a period of falling inflation and rising nominal wages. Thus, as economists describe it as a “surprise,” sustained wage and price increases in only a small part of the example are being rolled over to the next period. As a result, the IMF finds that the rise in nominal wages cannot necessarily be taken as a sign that a wage-price spiral period has begun.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) also confirms this situation. In the first half of 2022, global monthly wages declined by 0.9 per cent in real terms. When wages in developed countries are separated from wages in developing countries, the ILO report shows that real wages in developed G20 countries decreased by 2.2 per cent, while in developing countries they increased by only 0.8 per cent. Looking at the United States and Canada, it is understood that real wages decreased by 3.2 per cent in the first half of this year.

The OECD report complements this statement. The report, which includes third-quarter data, suggests real wages decline in 31 of 32 major countries in the third quarter of 2022 compared to the same period the previous year.

President and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, Mary C. Daly also has had to admit that one of the most fundamental elements of the wage-price spiral is that the rising wage phenomenon has not emerged with inflation.

The ILO says that inflation is not caused by wage increases, but by the Ukrainian war and the global energy crisis.

Sources of inflation

Paul Donovan, the chief economist of UBS, one of the world’s largest asset managers, reminds that real wages are falling globally, pointing out that the Fed’s wage-price spiral thesis is not correct.

According to Donovan, the main source of today’s inflation is the excessive increase in profits. If inflation comes from profit rather than labor, says Donovan, central banks should look for other ways alternative to shrinking demand based on increasing unemployment.

A graphic published by the Economy Policy Institute last April provides the picture. Unit labour cost constituted 61.8 per cent of the increase in unit prices in non-financial companies between 1979-2019. Between the fourth quarter of 2021 and the second quarter of 2022, this rate decreased to 7.9 per cent. The main factor driving the increase in unit prices is profit with 53.9 percent. It is composed of non-work input prices with 38.3 percent.

So, what else is among the sources of inflation? The decrease in supply chains and labor productivity during the COVID period and the inadequate supply afterwards is a reason. Zero COVID policies in China and the subsequent Russia-Ukraine war also has caused disruptions in global supply chains and cost increases. Sanctions against Russia have also led to an exorbitant rise in global energy prices.

Moreover, in Britain, for example, service providers that distribute to retail energy companies and are often owned by large hedge funds and private equity companies can make profits of up to 40 per cent. These companies, known as the “Big Six,” have almost completely monopolized energy supplies. 99 per cent of domestic and small business customers depend on the Big Six. When the huge profits of international energy monopolies such as BP, Shell, Exxon, Chevron, Total is added, the picture is completed. The UK energy distribution companies, which have been privatized since the 1980s, work for profit and households suffer for it. The figure says it all: The Big Six distributed a £23 billion dividend to shareholders. That’s almost six times the tax the Six have been paying over the last decade.

On the other hand, excessive profit rates in 2021 are expected to decrease with the rise in interest rates. It is certain that there will be a slowdown in the profits and therefore investments driven by the increases in energy and raw material prices last year. The downward trend in large tech companies that made huge profits during the pandemic period, layoffs, and the difficulty in accessing finance also indicate that recession is likely in advanced economies next year.

Moreover, since the source of inflation is not “excessive demand” but weak supply, central banks have nothing to do with it. In addition to the disruption of supply chains, the Ukrainian war, and anti-Russian sanctions, decrease in profitability, declining labour productivity and investment appetite do not seem to match supply with demand. While recruitment in the United States is still in full swing, the lack of pace in GDP growth suggests that the problem of labour productivity in developed countries remains. The emergence of a sustained and downward demand shock in the world system therefore seems preordained.

Europe

Le Pen vows radical spending cuts to ease French debt fears at Medef

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Marine Le Pen has pledged to implement sweeping cuts to public expenditure if she wins next year’s presidential election.

During the first presidential debate held yesterday, seven candidates clashed over how to handle France’s high debt levels and how to finance the pension system.

This laid bare sharp divisions on economic issues that have left investors unsettled.

The French government is struggling to reduce the country’s budget deficit, which stands at more than 5% of GDP and represents one of the highest shortfalls in the eurozone.

Le Pen, who is mounting her fourth presidential bid in the election scheduled for next spring and stands as the frontrunner, is attempting to win over corporations that have long been sceptical of her policies, according to the Financial Times, while seeking to shed the National Rally’s (RN) image as a free spender.

Speaking at a forum organised by Medef, France’s principal business lobby group, the French politician stated, “I am extremely concerned about the trajectory of our debt,” adding that the state must cut spending “radically”.

Le Pen said for the first time that she supported the concept of a balanced budget rule establishing a statutory equilibrium between revenue and expenditure, though she did not provide details.

Stating that the RN would present a €125 billion savings plan ahead of parliamentary debates on France’s 2027 budget, Le Pen said this plan would include reductions in payments to the EU alongside welfare cuts for immigrants.

This contrasted with a proposal made this week by Jean-Luc Melenchon, the presidential candidate of the left-wing LFI, who argued that the European Central Bank should cancel the French debt it holds and “throw it into the fire”.

Melenchon went further with this idea during the debate, stating that terminating all subsidies to corporations could also feature among other radical measures aimed at reducing the budget deficit.

The proposals put forward by Le Pen and Melenchon were criticised by rival presidential candidates such as Edouard Philippe and Gabriel Attal as “unworkable” or “dangerous”.

Medef members applauded when Socialist Party candidate Raphael Glucksmann condemned Le Pen’s fiscal plans and said halting all immigration would harm the economy.

Opinion polls, however, consistently project that Le Pen will advance to the second round of the two-round presidential election.

Recent surveys indicate she could even defeat centre-right candidate Philippe.

Polls conducted in recent days show that Melenchon also has the potential to reach the run-off against Le Pen.

Yet election day remains eight months away, and intense competition persists among the contenders.

Among corporate leaders, Le Pen is viewed as a less acceptable figure than RN President Jordan Bardella, who has held talks with companies and is perceived as more flexible on certain key RN policies, such as raising the retirement age.

According to a person familiar with the matter, Bardella’s adviser Francois Durvye, who worked to soften the RN’s stance on pensions and facilitate discussions with leading corporations, has departed Le Pen’s election campaign.

Insisting on her position regarding pension reform on Thursday, Le Pen said she wants to lower the retirement age to 60 for individuals who began working before the age of 20, while maintaining it at 62 for others.

During the debate, Attal remarked, “Some of you will be disappointed, but the smokescreen created by Bardella [on economic policy] has definitively dissipated.”

Macron’s drive to raise the retirement age to 64 was suspended last year during parliamentary budget debates.

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Merz and net contributors reject two-trillion-euro EU budget draft

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German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has met with allied net-contributor nations in Berlin and launched a fierce battle against Brussels over the European Commission’s draft budget, which projects a 60% increase for the next budgetary period.

Appearing before the cameras alongside the heads of government of Austria, Denmark, and Finland at a press conference held at the Chancellery on Thursday, Chancellor Merz, a member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), underscored one particular point, saying: “We are not penny-pinchers.”

Merz stated that the elevated financing demands emerging from Brussels were entirely out of step with current realities.

Coming as negotiations for the EU’s next seven-year budget enter their most critical phase, this intervention marks the opening salvo in intensive bargaining over Europe’s future financing and political direction in the coming months. Between October and December alone, four separate EU summits at the leaders’ level are scheduled to take place.

Merz invited the heads of government of three countries to Berlin in preparation for this negotiating marathon, while the prime ministers of the Netherlands and Sweden joined the talks via video conference.

The common denominator uniting the six countries acting together in Berlin is their status as the highest net financial contributors to Brussels. Merz described the coalition by stating: “We are the group of the largest contributors to this budget.” The German Chancellor noted that these six countries single-handedly finance almost 40% of the total budget of the 27 EU member states, while also providing approximately 70% of bilateral aid delivered to Ukraine.

Austrian Chancellor Christian Stocker, of the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), joined Merz in rejecting accusations of miserliness, stating: “No one can accuse us of being unwilling to contribute.” However, he noted their insistence on the necessity of greater savings and comprehensive reforms.

Objection to the two-trillion-euro budget proposal

The joint message delivered by the six leaders conflicts directly with the expectations of Brussels and numerous other EU member states. While the European Union’s current seven-year budget covering the 2021–2027 period stands at 1.2 trillion euros, the European Commission is proposing a budget of approximately 2 trillion euros for the 2028–2034 cycle, representing a net 60% increase when the impact of inflation is included.

Emphasising that this proposal is entirely unaffordable at a time when all member states are undertaking fiscal consolidation in their own public finances, Merz assessed: “In this group, we are all of the same opinion: the proposals must be trimmed by hundreds of billions of euros. These cuts must cover all areas without exception.” Merz stated that they demand a realistic and reform-oriented budget, adding: “We cannot meet the challenges of the 21st century with a 20th-century budget.”

Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen adopted a similar stance, saying: “The EU budget may be larger than it is today, but the proposal currently on the table has certainly been set too high.”

The joint declaration adopted by the six heads of government included an additional concrete financial justification: it stressed that an extraordinarily large sum of approximately 300 billion euros in the current budget period had never been requested or utilised by member states. The leaders argued that this figure provides clear proof that excessive funds are being transferred to Brussels.

Bloc divisions and security priorities

Although the Berlin summit was intended to project a message of strength and unity, Merz and his allies remain in a numerical minority across the wider EU. A broad group of member states ranging from the Baltic countries to Poland, Hungary, Italy, and Portugal openly supports the Commission’s 2-trillion-euro draft. As net recipients drawing more resources from the budget than they pay in, these countries demand that the budget’s traditionally largest expenditure lines—agricultural and regional development funds—remain untouched.

In contrast, Merz wants cuts to agricultural and regional funds in order to redirect resources toward Europe’s global competitiveness and defence capabilities.

Defence matters occupied a substantial place in the Berlin discussions. Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo recalled that his country shares a 1,340-kilometre land border with Russia, emphasising that this reality creates very concrete security, infrastructure, and economic challenges in its eastern and northern regions. Orpo stated that the new EU budget must recognise this new reality emerging on the eastern border.

Nevertheless, at the press conference where leaders read solely from prepared statements and took no questions from journalists, a notable divergence of views surfaced among the participants. Austrian Chancellor Stocker explicitly distanced himself from Merz’s call for cuts across all areas, remarking: “From Austria’s perspective, agricultural and regional development funds must never be forgotten.”

Contrasting message from von der Leyen in Paris

Another statement illustrating how arduous the negotiations starting in the autumn will be came from European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Speaking in Paris at a meeting of the Movement of the Enterprises of France (MEDEF) nearly simultaneously with the Berlin gathering, von der Leyen said: “The next budget will be the financial backbone of our independence.”

Drawing attention to Europe’s geopolitical standing vis-à-vis China, Russia, and the US, von der Leyen argued that the budget must be increased. The Commission President said: “Europe cannot set new targets for itself without providing the resources to finance them.”

The critical turning point in the trajectory of the negotiations will be the new compromise proposal expected to be submitted in early October by Ireland, which holds the rotating EU presidency.

Merz and his allies hope that the text prepared by the Dublin administration will take their demands for hundreds of billions of euros in cuts against the 2-trillion-euro draft into account as much as possible.

Member states have until the end of the year or early 2027 at the latest to reach a compromise. If an agreement cannot be secured within this timeframe, the French presidential election process threatens to suspend talks for months and plunge negotiations into deadlock.

In France, right-wing populist candidate Marine Le Pen has already announced that, should she win the election, she will slash France’s contributions to the EU budget by half. It is assessed that negotiations would reach a complete impasse if this pledge were realised.

Meanwhile, the subject of France constituted one of the most sensitive background agenda items in Berlin on Thursday. French President Emmanuel Macron, nearing the end of his term in office, did not attend the Berlin meeting despite having recently agreed with Merz to maintain close coordination on budgetary matters.

Macron advocates financing the new budget through new EU own resources, such as a special tax on US technology giants. However, this proposal carries the risk of a new trade war with US President Donald Trump. Merz, for his part, opted not to touch upon this contentious topic at all in his remarks in Berlin.

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German bill grants intelligence services sweeping operational powers

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Protests are mounting against a draft law approved by the federal government to expand the powers of German intelligence agencies.

Through the new legislation, the government aims to grant German intelligence agencies sweeping new powers.

The bill seeks, among other things, to facilitate agency access to information technology systems, extend data retention periods, and automate data analysis.

Agencies will also be permitted to conduct “online searches” in the future.

According to German Foreign Policy, a major change is that, for the first time since the end of German fascism, intelligence agencies will once again possess the authority to implement “operational measures”.

Under the banner of “defence against hybrid attacks”, Berlin is further blurring the lines separating the police, intelligence agencies, and the military, while increasingly eliminating the distinction between external enemies and domestic critics.

The new intelligence law marks another step by the Federal Republic towards “strategic autonomy”.

A hefty “wish list” for intelligence services

With the draft law on the “reform of the Intelligence Service Act”, the federal government aims to systematically expand the powers of German intelligence services in almost every area.

In this context, Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt explicitly thanked Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. Working in close cooperation, the two ministries succeeded in completely rewriting the Intelligence Services Act, doing so “quietly”.

According to the British newspaper The Guardian, the new law fulfills the “wish list of the intelligence services”.

Under these provisions, intelligence agencies will in the future be able to retain collected telecommunications data for longer periods (content data for up to six months and metadata for up to twelve months). This will enable them to analyse this data “retrospectively” as well.

The law also aims to streamline the analytical process, for instance by permitting AI-supported automated analyses and “removing administrative obstacles”.

The “use of tools for biometric comparison of image data, the application of artificial intelligence, and the further processing of data for research and development purposes”, as well as the transfer of data to “other state agencies and private entities”, will be facilitated.

According to the explanation, the overall objective is to “strengthen access to information technology systems” ranging from “smart refrigerators” to private mobile phones and CCTV cameras in public spaces.

BND granted operational powers

Under this legislation, the federal government is also granting the Federal Intelligence Service (BND) and the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution comprehensive powers that, in the words of Interior Minister Dobrindt, “go far beyond intelligence gathering”.

The objective is not merely for the agencies to “see and hear better” in the future, but above all to “take active measures against enemies”.

Alongside online searches, this includes permission to “tamper with” data in the future. The minister justifies this by stating, “This is our mission.”

This measure appears to represent a historical turning point. For the first time since the defeat of Nazism, German intelligence agencies are being granted permission to employ “operational powers”—namely, to take “active measures”. These powers had been reserved exclusively for the police since 1945.

The new powers explicitly encompass “tampering with instruments used in crimes […]”. They also permit “manipulating goods shipments by inserting defective components, targeted intrusion into IT systems in drone factories or chemical weapons laboratories for sabotage purposes, or shutting down or disabling servers belonging to state-sponsored cyberattack groups or disinformation actors”.

Furthermore, all of these actions may now be carried out “proactively”.

Opposition reactions

The proposed draft bill has drawn widespread criticism. For instance, Konstantin von Notz (Alliance 90/The Greens), former chairman of the Parliamentary Oversight Panel for the intelligence services, criticises the bill for failing to distinguish between police work and intelligence work.

Notz supports expanding the powers of the foreign intelligence service (BND), but considers granting the same powers to the domestic intelligence service (BfV) to be “questionable in terms of the rule of law”, as well as “poorly designed and dangerous”.

Under the new law, the domestic intelligence service will in the future be able to enter doctors’ and therapists’ practices undetected, for example.

Consequently, the National Association of Statutory Health Insurance Physicians (KBV) and the German Medical Association sharply criticised the measure on the grounds that it would “undermine medical confidentiality and violate the confidential doctor-patient relationship, which must be protected”.

The president of the Hesse State Medical Association regards the draft as “disrespectful to the medical profession”, stating that it damages the relationship of trust between doctor and patient.

Dobrindt rejected this criticism, stating, “I do not agree with this at all, because we always act appropriately.”

The German Journalists’ Association (DJV) emphasised in a statement that “very broad terms” are used in the draft bill. According to the DJV, this means that “even peaceful activities” could fall under intelligence agency surveillance.

Journalists will no longer be able to guarantee the protection of sources in the future. In addition, the “grading of intervention thresholds based on nationality and place of residence” is unconstitutional.

According to the association, contrary to what is envisaged in the bill, foreign journalists and German journalists working abroad must also be protected from the intelligence services.

Who will oversee the intelligence agencies?

Former Federal Data Protection Commissioner Louisa Specht-Riemenschneider had previously warned against centralising oversight authority over the BND within the Independent Oversight Body.

Ulrich Kelber, an honorary professor of data ethics and Specht-Riemenschneider’s predecessor, shares this criticism: intelligence agencies will themselves take the “final decision” regarding “what can be subjected to oversight”.

According to the data protection expert’s assessment, the Independent Oversight Body, which will serve as the sole oversight body in the future, will not be able to appeal against denied access.

The “state of consent” introduced in the bill grants the BND “extensive special powers” while further restricting oversight options.

Moreover, the agency will be able to do this without requiring the Bundestag to declare a state of tension or a state of defence, which had been necessary until now.

Kelber regards this as an “unconstitutional shift of power away from the elected parliament”.

The draft law, which the federal government supports partly by pointing to a purported improvement in oversight mechanisms, gives him the “impression that independent oversight of the intelligence services is being deliberately sabotaged”.

Intelligence treats incidents of unclear origin as “Russian attacks”

Dobrindt also justifies this domestic move by citing a threat emanating from Russia.

Dobrindt asserts that Germany is “the target of hybrid warfare every day”, stating that expanding the powers of the intelligence agencies is merely “a response to the current threat situation”.

During a hearing before the parliamentary oversight committee, Sinan Selen, Vice President of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, admitted that his agency also classifies incidents that cannot be clearly attributed to a specific source as Russian “hybrid attacks”.

This situation further blurs the distinction between external enemies and domestic opponents.

Consequently, under the new law, the domestic intelligence service will in the future be able to use not only real or alleged “hybrid attacks”, but also “significant unrest among broad sections of the population”, as justification for operational measures.

Berlin anticipates that the public would show resistance in the event of war, should NATO troops transit through Germany on their way to the new Eastern Front.

German “strategic autonomy” goes hand in hand with militarisation

Interior Minister Dobrindt asserts that Germany has hitherto been dependent on the support of foreign intelligence services.

Berlin hopes that strengthened German intelligence services will give it a better standing vis-a-vis Washington, Paris, and London, turning it into a serious interlocutor on “equal terms” and moving it away from being a junior partner.

The proposed draft bill aims to ensure that German intelligence agencies “no longer lag behind other European partners”.

According to the minister, this will enable Berlin to “justify its claim to a leadership role in European security policy”.

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