Opinion
Facing the mainstream, big picture, and normalcy of China-Israel relations
On July 9, the spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy in Israel made a statement on its official WeChat account, addressing the recent erroneous words and actions involving Taiwan by a member of Israel’s Yesh Atid party. The spokesperson pointed out that a certain member of Yesh Atid visited China’s Taiwan and met with the so-called “vice president” and “foreign minister.” After returning to Israel, the individual interacted and praised the relevant personnel from Taiwan on social media platforms, extensively discussed his visit in Israeli media, and openly referred to Taiwan as a “country.” These words and actions “seriously violate the One-China Principle, severely undermine the political foundation of China-Israel relations, and gravely poison the atmosphere of friendly and pragmatic cooperation between China and Israel. The Chinese Embassy in Israel firmly opposes and strongly condemns this, has lodged stern representations with the Israeli side, and demanded the immediate correction of the wrongful practices and elimination of the adverse impact.”
It is understood that at the end of April this year, Boaz Toporovsky, a member of the opposition Yesh Atid party, led a parliamentary delegation to visit Taiwan. At the end of May, a higher-level delegation composed of several other parties also visited Taiwan. The Taiwanese authorities’ top two leaders successively met with both Israeli parliamentary groups. Toporovsky is a descendant of Eastern European Jewish immigrants born in Israel. Possibly due to his role as the head of the “Taiwan-Israel Friendship Parliamentary Group,” he already visited Taiwan in 2024. After his recent return from Taiwan, Toporovsky continued to interact with relevant Taiwanese figures on social media, supported the pro-Taiwan independence forces, created obstacles for China-Israel relations, and drew attention from media outlets like Israel Today and The Jerusalem Post.
The Chinese Embassy in Israel rarely makes statements on Taiwan-related matters, and the use of the “three serious violations” to describe Toporovsky’s erroneous words and actions is very rare in the 33 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Israel, clearly showing that he has crossed the red line of the One-China Principle and caused friction and noise in China-Israel relations. Observers have also noted that the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not summon the newly appointed Israeli ambassador to China for negotiations, indicating that the erroneous words and actions of individual Israeli lawmakers do not represent the official position of Israel. Therefore, it is appropriate and suitable for the Chinese Embassy in Israel to issue condemnation and warnings.
In fact, Toporovsky’s manipulation does not reflect the big picture, mainstream, or normalcy of China-Israel friendly relations and should not be exaggerated. However, in diplomacy, there are no small matters, and the One-China Principle is a core issue concerning China’s vital interests. At a time when the world is focused on the long-delayed sixth Middle East war, this discord and deviation in the friendly and pragmatic cooperation between China and Israel should not be taken lightly. It reflects the complex internal political spectrum of Israel and highlights the spillover effects of this war — that Israel, facing international pressure and media isolation, is eager for external sympathy and support. Some politicians are even willing to lose the watermelon for a sesame seed. In short, the Taiwan-related crisis in China-Israel relations is an overblown “storm in a teacup,” but if allowed to escalate, it will inevitably become a new variable that harms China-Israel relations.
Firstly, since its founding, regardless of which party is in power and regardless of left or right stance, Israeli leaders have always adhered to the One-China position with foresight and strategic vision. During the long Cold War period, even though China’s diplomacy overwhelmingly supported the Arab world, Israel — as an “international orphan” — never established any form of diplomatic relations with the Taiwanese authorities despite close exchanges. When China and Israel established diplomatic relations 33 years ago, the two sides had no historical baggage, especially not the difficult negotiations and painful choices that other countries faced when cutting ties with Taiwan to establish relations with China.
The reason lies in the fact that successive Israeli leaders have always clearly understood who the real legitimate representative of all Chinese people is, and the Israeli people have always appreciated the tolerance and generosity shown by the Chinese people toward Jews throughout history. At the same time, although China has long put pressure on Israel regarding the Middle East issue, it has also consistently opposed the Arab bloc’s radical ideas of “eliminating Israel,” advocated distinguishing between Israel’s expansionist policies and the Israeli people, and respected Israel’s legitimate security concerns.
Secondly, Israel is a multi-party and immigrant country, long influenced by American and Western values. Different parties often hold varying or even conflicting foreign policy positions; conflict between the government and parliament, and fierce battles between ruling and opposition parties are the norm. Small parties hijacking large parties or ruling coalitions is a distinctive feature of Israel’s democratic politics. Therefore, even during smooth periods in China-Israel relations, oddities like interfering in China’s internal affairs or crossing China’s red lines are inevitable. For example, in 1999, Israeli Speaker of the Knesset Avraham Burg, on the eve of receiving the Chairman of China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee, still met with the Dalai Lama despite Chinese warnings and negotiations. As for Israel’s entirely liberalized media, it has never lacked voices criticizing China, although such voices are not the mainstream or dominant tone of Israeli public opinion.
Thirdly, Israel is the only country in the Western bloc that has genuinely withstood bipartisan pressure from the United States while maintaining a stable and friendly China policy. I have previously written an article analyzing this: despite enormous American interference with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Israel has continued to actively, flexibly, and pragmatically participate in building the Belt and Road with China, including never abandoning the dual-use Haifa Port project with the Chinese side. In 2022, China had already become Israel’s second-largest trading partner and the largest source of imported goods. Even though over the past year, Chinese and Israeli diplomats have frequently clashed in multilateral settings, both sides have exercised maximum restraint, keeping conflicts sporadic and controllable without affecting comprehensive cooperation and strategic mutual trust.
Fourthly, China-Israel relations are indeed being impacted by the “Sixth Middle East War.” Mutual public sentiment between the two countries has significantly declined, roughly hitting the lowest point since diplomatic ties were established. Objectively speaking, Israel has suffered a national humiliation and catastrophe akin to a “9/11”-style event, fallen into a “seven-front battlefield” situation, and has yet to end its “state of war.” Thus, the entire nation and society are in an unprecedented state of crisis. From politicians to the public, emotions are extremely tense, fragile, and sensitive. Overreactions and distortion in foreign responses are inevitable, including repeated transgressions in China-related matters. As the saying goes, “abnormal phenomena hide deeper issues.”
China adheres to international law, upholds fairness in the Middle East conflict, stands on the side of historical justice, and — based on its responsibilities and obligations as a major power — continues to criticize the Israeli government’s belligerence and inhumane actions, exerting an unprecedented level of pressure on Israeli society since normalization of bilateral relations. Additionally, China’s traditional media and online public opinion, driven by international justice and sympathy for the weak, have formed a public discourse unfavorable to Israel. This atmosphere has led to a rise in anti-China sentiment in Israeli society and has created fertile ground for some politicians to manipulate the Taiwan issue. In recent years, Israeli parties and politicians have clearly grown closer to Taiwan, suggesting a kind of mutual warming in troubled times.
Fifthly, although the Netanyahu government has become increasingly hardline and right-leaning on Middle East issues, it has always maintained a fundamentally friendly stance and policy line toward China. Not only has Netanyahu himself never publicly complained under China’s intense public opinion and diplomatic pressure, but other right-wing and far-right cabinet members have also rarely openly attacked China. Therefore, anti-China or pro-Taiwan remarks and actions by individual Israeli lawmakers or even officials should not be attributed to the Israeli government, nor should they be regarded as national policy or state behavior.
Sixthly, this storm is neither a deliberate pressure tactic jointly orchestrated by Israeli political circles — playing “good cop, bad cop” with China — nor a sign that the Yesh Atid party has collectively reversed its position. Those familiar with Israeli politics know that Yesh Atid is a centrist party with only 12 years of history and a longtime rival of Netanyahu’s Likud group. In 2021, it once united with seven other factions, including the United Right Alliance, to form the “eight-party ruling coalition,” which overthrew Netanyahu’s 12-year rule. After the coalition disintegrated in 2022, Yesh Atid initiated a no-confidence motion in parliament, triggering new elections. In June this year, as the opposition, Yesh Atid proposed another motion aiming to topple Netanyahu’s ruling coalition.
In early April 2022, Yair Lapid — the party leader of Yesh Atid, then foreign minister and incoming prime minister — explicitly emphasized during a phone call with Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi that “Israel and China understand and appreciate each other. Israel regards China as a friend and has always adhered to the One-China policy since the establishment of diplomatic ties. This position has never changed and has become an important foundation of Israel-China relations…” Now, a lawmaker under Lapid is manipulating the Taiwan issue. Is this because he and the Yesh Atid party are unable to restrain their members? Or have they changed their attitude and turned their backs on China? Or are they intentionally expressing dissatisfaction with China’s Middle East policy? I am unwilling to maliciously speculate that the entire Yesh Atid party — especially its leader Lapid — has changed its attitude and policy toward China. I prefer to believe that this is just a case of the so-called “Taiwan-Israel Friendship Group” chairman jumping up and down to gain attention.
Perhaps because of these factors, China has adopted a relatively low-key, restrained, and calm approach, avoiding overreaction and disruption by a few bad apples in the Yesh Atid party, and striving to maintain the overall direction and fundamentals of China-Israel strategic mutual trust, friendship, and pragmatic cooperation.
It should be pointed out and guarded against: while Toporovsky was hyping up the Taiwan issue, certain malicious media outlets also released so-called reports of China exporting advanced fighter jets and air defense systems to Iran. This not only created tension and confrontation between Israel and Iran right after a ceasefire agreement was reached, but also tried to sow discord in China-Israel strategic mutual trust, worsen Israeli public opinion toward China, and damage bilateral relations and cooperation. These actions are ill-intentioned, fearing that the Middle East will become stable and that China’s Middle East diplomacy will proceed steadily and successfully.
Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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