Diplomacy
Germany nears controversial deportation deal with Taliban, prompting diplomatic resignations
Germany and the Taliban are on the verge of signing an agreement regarding the deportation of Afghan asylum seekers.
According to German media reports, the relevant arrangements were made over the weekend during a visit by a German ministerial delegation to Kabul.
As the first Taliban representatives were accredited as diplomats in Germany under the agreement, the entire staff of the Afghan Consulate General in Bonn resigned last week. According to the acting consul general, Berlin’s move poses a serious threat to the security of Afghans living in Germany.
The German government has already carried out the first deportations to Afghanistan in the past twelve months. It also aims to phase out the federal admission program for Afghans, launched in 2022 to regulate and control their acceptance, “as much as possible.”
The program has so far led to the admission of only a few Afghans due to both procedural complexities and a lack of political will. Meanwhile, tensions are rising between Pakistan and Germany over the program.
Afghan staff in Bonn resign
The entire staff of the Afghan Consulate General in Bonn resigned last week. They were protesting Germany’s decision to accredit two Taliban representatives.
The accreditation occurred as Berlin was attempting to secure a deal with Afghan authorities to deport “Afghan criminals” from Germany.
According to federal government spokesperson Stefan Kornelius, the two new representatives will help coordinate deportation flights. However, this step is criticized by Hamid Nangialay Kabiri, who has served as the consul until now, as a “serious threat” to the security of Afghan citizens living in Germany, as it gives the Taliban access to sensitive documents and information about them.
Approximately 442,000 Afghan citizens live in Germany; about 36,000 of them have immigrated to the Federal Republic of Germany since the Taliban seized power in August 2021.
Over the weekend, two officers from the Federal Police Department of the Federal Ministry of the Interior were reportedly in Kabul to advance practical arrangements for future deportations. Accordingly, the signing of the deportation agreement is imminent.
Deportation flights to be expanded
When the Taliban came to power, the Federal Government initially suspended the deportation of Afghans.
However, the coalition government has since resumed returns; at the end of last year, 28 Afghans convicted of crimes were deported.
The new federal government took such a measure for the second time in July of this year, deporting 81 Afghans. As agreed in the coalition agreement between the CDU/CSU and SPD, deportations will now be significantly expanded.
During the summer, the government also temporarily suspended the admission procedure for local Afghan staff. However, following an appeal by an Afghan family whose visa application was rejected by the Foreign Office, the Berlin-Brandenburg Higher Administrative Court declared the suspension to be legal.
The current federal government now wants to go a step further and terminate the federal admission program “as much as possible.”
History of the Federal Admission Program
Immediately following the chaotic withdrawal of NATO troops from Afghanistan in 2021, more than 30,000 Afghans, including former local employees of the German Armed Forces, immigrated to Germany.
To steer the initially spontaneous process in an orderly and therefore controllable direction, the traffic-light government launched the “Federal Admission Program for Afghanistan” in October 2022.
Under this program, asylum applications could be made online to German authorities from Afghanistan. If the application was approved, the applicant received entry documents from the German embassy in Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan, allowing them to enter Germany legally.
In this way, the federal government maintained control over who came to Germany. Berlin’s preferred target group was particularly women and individuals who stated their commitment to “Western values.”
The program’s ambitious goal was to accept one thousand Afghans each month and fly them to Germany. However, nearly three years after the program’s launch, only about 3,000 people have been accepted, and only half of them have reached Germany.
Public criticism further complicated the program. For instance, when the magazine Cicero claimed in March 2023 that a “Sharia judge” had entered Germany through a precursor to the federal admission program, the previous coalition government halted the entire process. The process was restarted only after even stricter restrictions were imposed.
AfD influence also restricted the program
At times, the federal government also cited domestic political events as a reason to block the entry of Afghans who had already been approved by the authorities.
For example, a planned flight from Afghanistan in September 2024 was canceled on short notice after the federal government argued that the timing was too sensitive due to state elections in three eastern German states and the foreseeable electoral success of the AfD.
Over time, voices calling for the complete abolition of the program grew louder. CDU General Secretary Carsten Linnemann even promised that with a Union-led federal government in power, “these planes from Afghanistan” would no longer come to Germany.
The coalition agreement now speaks of abolishing the program “as much as possible,” noting that existing commitments cannot be easily canceled from a legal standpoint.
However, the Head of the Chancellery, Thorsten Frei (CDU), announced that every commitment would be re-examined “very carefully” to determine if there was a possibility of rejection.
This stance is not entirely new: the traffic-light government had also blocked the entry of Afghans on several occasions and even carried out the first deportation after the Taliban’s rise to power.
Tensions with Pakistan are rising
Meanwhile, tensions between Germany and Pakistan are escalating. Afghans applying for visas must obtain a Pakistani visa to travel to Islamabad for their document review.
However, the German visa procedure there is indefinitely delayed, causing their Pakistani visas to expire, and they are rarely extended. Consequently, many Afghans are forced to hide in their homes to avoid being caught by Pakistani authorities, who conduct regular raids to apprehend those with expired visas.
Islamabad accuses Berlin of regularly ignoring its request to expedite the visa procedure for Afghans. The situation escalated in August when Pakistan detained approximately 435 Afghans and deported 210 of them to Afghanistan.
Pakistan agreed to take them back only after Germany pledged to finally grant them visas by the end of the year. But Islamabad’s patience is wearing thin. Currently, about 2,280 Afghans are in Pakistan under the German admission program. If the federal government delays the admission process long enough, they too will be sent back to Afghanistan.
Diplomacy
India’s Russian oil imports hit record high as Middle East tensions disrupt markets
India is increasing imports of Russian oil and coal as supply chain disruptions and rising prices linked to tensions involving Iran reshape global energy flows.
According to a Reuters report citing data from analytics firm Kpler, shipments from Russia to India reached record levels in June.
Kpler estimates that Russian oil deliveries to India will rise to a record 2.55 million barrels per day in June.
That would surpass both the 2.13 million barrels per day recorded in May and the previous high of 2.16 million barrels per day registered in May 2023.
Russia’s share of India’s total oil imports in June is expected to come in at just under 50%. Before the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, the figure averaged 23% during the three months preceding February 28.
India’s shift toward Russian crude followed the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and a temporary suspension of sanctions on purchases by the administration of US President Donald Trump in an effort to increase market supply.
However, the sanctions waiver expired on June 17 and was not extended by the US Treasury Department.
Reuters noted that this could lead to a decline in purchases of Russian crude, although the outcome will depend on the willingness of Indian refiners and government officials to return to sourcing shipments from Middle Eastern suppliers.
According to Kpler forecasts, imports from Saudi Arabia are expected to remain at 349,000 barrels per day in June. That compares with an average of 832,000 barrels per day during the three months before the conflict.
A similar trend is visible in coal imports. Imports of Russian coal across all grades are expected to reach 3.16 million tonnes in June, compared with 3.27 million tonnes in May.
Both figures would rank as the second and third highest on record, respectively, behind the peak of 3.76 million tonnes registered in May last year.
Russia is also expected to overtake Australia in June to become the second-largest supplier of coal to India, the world’s second-largest coal importer after China.
According to Reuters, Russia is likely to maintain its role as one of India’s key coal suppliers. Future purchases of Russian oil, however, will depend on whether Washington moves to tighten sanctions against Moscow.
New Delhi says oil shipments will not be affected by sanctions
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said in mid-June that the country had increased purchases of Russian oil since 2022 at Washington’s request in order to help contain global energy prices.
Jaishankar criticised US restrictions on Russian commodities and urged policymakers not to present such measures as matters of grand principle.
Sujata Sharma, a representative of India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, also said in May that shipments from Russia were continuing and would do so regardless of US decisions concerning sanctions waivers.
Indian refiners reduced imports from Russia in 2025 and turned to suppliers in Saudi Arabia and Iraq amid pressure from the United States and threats of a 25% tariff on Indian goods.
However, Reuters data show that following the outbreak of war in the Middle East and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, Indian companies began increasing purchases of Russian crude again in early March.
Russia’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, said at the end of April that Moscow was prepared to supply as much raw material as India was willing to accept.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov later confirmed that Moscow remained committed to its agreements on energy shipments to India.
Diplomacy
EU, US and China intensify competition over Africa’s strategic minerals through Lobito Corridor
Africa is becoming an increasingly intense arena of competition among China, the US and the European Union over access to strategic raw materials.
According to an analysis by German Foreign Policy, the Lobito Corridor, a rail link connecting the copper belt of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola, is playing a pivotal role in that contest.
The infrastructure project is regarded as one of the flagship initiatives of the EU’s Global Gateway strategy and is also viewed by Washington, which is investing in the region, as a means of reducing dependence on China.
In the future, copper, cobalt, lithium and other raw materials essential for the production of batteries, electric vehicles, digital technologies and military equipment will be transported westward via this route.
The initiative builds on infrastructure originally constructed during the colonial era to facilitate the export of African raw materials.
Critics argue that the expansion of the Lobito Corridor perpetuates existing patterns of resource extraction under new conditions.
Global Gateway as a counter to the Belt and Road
The European Commission approved the Global Gateway programme in September 2021.
Under the programme, nearly €300 billion is to be invested in infrastructure projects across Africa, Asia, Oceania, Southeast Europe, and South and Central America by 2027.
The programme is widely viewed as a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
One of its central objectives is to diversify Europe’s imports of critical raw materials, particularly by reducing dependence on supplies from China.
During a visit to China in late May 2026, German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche of the CDU underscored the importance of secure access to critical raw materials and rare earth elements. This is the area in which Germany remains most dependent on China.
Colonial-era infrastructure remains intact
One of the clearest examples is the 1,300-kilometre Lobito Corridor, which runs from the edge of the Zambia-Southern Congo copper belt to the port of Lobito in Angola.
The core infrastructure of this trade corridor was established through the Benguela Railway, which was built as early as 1902 at the height of European colonial expansion. The railway extended eastward from the port city of Lobito through what is now Angola, providing access to the mineral-rich regions of southern Congo and Zambia.
In 1931, following completion of the initial railway line, the British mining and railway company Tanganyika Concessions transferred its 99-year concession rights to Portugal’s colony of Angola.
The concession expired in 2001, after which the infrastructure, previously controlled by Portuguese authorities, was transferred to the Angolan government.
By 2030, annual copper shipments through the route are expected to reach one million metric tonnes.
Both the EU and the US are relying heavily on the Lobito Corridor in an effort to counter China’s dominant position in Africa’s raw materials sector.
Estimates indicate that roughly two-thirds of global cobalt production originates in the Congo, where Chinese companies are particularly active in mining operations.
China also accounts for approximately 75% of global cobalt processing capacity.
The colonial-era rail line leading to Lobito is intended to redirect exports of copper, cobalt and other raw materials, which have until now largely been shipped eastward via Tanzania, toward western markets, enabling processing in Europe or North America rather than China.
Europe seeks to reduce dependence on China for the green transition
In addition to copper and cobalt, the region holds substantial deposits of lithium, coltan, nickel and rare earth elements, giving it significant economic importance.
These materials are used in electric vehicle batteries, stationary energy storage systems and alloys required for military aircraft production.
Until now, the EU has sourced much of these materials from China. Strategic investment in a new logistics hub in Luau, Angola, located along the Lobito Corridor, is intended to reduce that dependence.
The railway line along the corridor is already operated by a European consortium.
The consortium includes Swiss commodities trader Trafigura, Portuguese construction group Mota-Engil and Belgian rail company Vecturis.
However, the majority of the mines remain under Chinese control. In the Congo, 24 of the country’s 33 cobalt-exporting companies are Chinese-backed.
The Lobito Corridor is being developed through an EU-US partnership
EU efforts to secure influence over the Lobito Corridor are advancing in parallel with similar initiatives by the United States.
In early 2022, the US signed a memorandum of understanding with the EU and other G7 members to mobilise more than $600 billion for infrastructure projects worldwide over the following five years as part of the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).
The Lobito Corridor is one of five key trade, transit and development corridors in Southern Africa designed to improve transport efficiency.
During the administration of President Joe Biden, financing for the Lobito Corridor was launched under the G7’s PGII framework as a flagship project in cooperation with the Global Gateway initiative.
The EU also regards the expansion of the Lobito Corridor as a critical project and has committed more than €2 billion in funding.
That support could increase further. The next EU budget cycle beginning in 2028 envisages nearly doubling spending on development and external assistance, from €108 billion to €200 billion.
EU officials present the strategy as an effort to offer a more comprehensive approach to infrastructure financing than China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
‘America First’ in Africa
The US has pledged hundreds of millions of dollars for the expansion of the Lobito Corridor.
In the final quarter of 2025 alone, it provided $553 million in loans for the project’s expansion.
An additional $200 million in support came from the Development Bank of Southern Africa.
Unlike the Biden administration, which frequently described the initiative as development assistance, the second Trump administration openly characterises the project as an effort to weaken China’s influence, strengthen US control over critical raw materials and diversify supply chains.
For example, Frank Garcia, a former naval officer appointed in late May as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, praised the Trump administration’s continuing engagement on the continent.
Highlighting the Lobito Corridor in particular, Garcia said the project aligns key US interests in Africa with the “America First” approach.
Germany in Africa for the energy transition
Last autumn, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier travelled several kilometres on the newly restored railway line along the Lobito Corridor and described it as “a strategic infrastructure project of enormous economic importance.”
The German politician added: “Of course, this infrastructure connection also creates investment opportunities for European and German companies along its route.”
Portuguese construction company MCA is currently building solar energy parks in 60 municipalities across Angola at a cost of just under €1.29 billion.
The client is Angola’s Energy Ministry, while the German government is supporting the project through export credit guarantees.
Should Angola fail to meet its payment obligations, Germany would step in. A total of 95% of the project value is guaranteed by the Federal Republic of Germany.
In return, Angola agreed to allow German companies to participate in the project. For example, the battery storage system is being supplied by SMA Solar Technology, based in Niestetal near Kassel.
German solar technology provider Gantner Instruments Environment Solutions is supplying the digital control system.
Critics of the Lobito Corridor expansion warn that the project will primarily benefit the EU and the US.
In their view, the initiative promotes the export of African raw materials rather than strengthening intra-African trade.
Although the EU presents these measures as a development project aligned with African interests, critics argue that they ultimately represent a continuation of Western exploitation of African resources.
Diplomacy
EU presses Türkiye for non-Russian gas supplies under future energy contracts
The European Union is insisting that natural gas delivered to member states via Türkiye under new supply agreements must not be of Russian origin.
German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche said after an official visit to Ankara that “Türkiye understands that the EU attaches great importance to ending the supply of raw materials originating from Russia and accepts this reality.”
Reiche added that Turkish officials had made it clear that replacing supplies from Russia could not be achieved overnight, either economically or in terms of available alternative sources.
As of June 17, a ban on pipeline natural gas imports from Russia under short-term contracts signed more than a year ago entered into force across the European Union.
The measure was approved by the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament at the end of last year. In January 2025, EU member states also voted to phase out Russian gas completely by 2027. Under that decision, member states are required to verify the origin of gas supplies before authorizing deliveries.
Meanwhile, Swiss-based company Nord Stream 2 AG, the operator of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, has launched legal action challenging the regulation imposing the ban on Russian gas imports.
Türkiye, for its part, is continuing negotiations with Gazprom on natural gas supplies for the period after 2026, as existing contracts are approaching expiration.
Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar previously said the parties had yet to reach agreement on potential shipment volumes and the duration of any new contracts.
In December 2025, Ankara extended by one year two agreements with Gazprom covering gas deliveries through the TurkStream and Blue Stream pipelines.
Türkiye is seeking to reduce Russia’s share of its gas supply mix. Russia’s share of Türkiye’s natural gas imports has already fallen below 40%.
As part of its energy diversification strategy, Ankara plans to replace part of Russian gas imports with supplies from the United States and Central Asia.
Bayraktar previously said that despite US calls to abandon Russian energy resources, Türkiye would continue purchasing natural gas from Russia.
“We cannot tell our citizens there is no gas available. We have agreements with Russia. Winter is approaching. We need gas from Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan,” Bayraktar said.
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