Opinion
How China Views the Crisis with Japan
Guard Against the Resurgence of Japan Militarism and Uphold the Post-WWII International Order
On October 21, 2025, Takaichi Sanae was elected the 104th Prime Minister of Japan, becoming the country’s first female prime minister. From October 27 to 29, Donald Trump visited Japan in the name of fostering the “long-term friendly relations” between the United States and Japan. On October 31, President Xi Jinping met with Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae while attending the 32nd APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting in the Republic of Korea.
On November 1, Takaichi Sanae posted messages on her social media accounts about her meeting with personnel from the Taiwan authorities of China during the APEC meeting, along with relevant photos, and referred to the individual as a so-called “Presidential Office Advisor” of Taiwan. On November 7, when talking about the Taiwan question, Takaichi Sanae even claimed that if an armed conflict broke out in the Taiwan Strait, it might be regarded as a “national survival crisis situation” for Japan, implying the possibility of military intervention of Japan in the Taiwan Strait.
Such blatant provocation fully exposes the essence that the remaining poison of Japanese militarism has not been eradicated. This constitutes a gross act of interfering in China’s internal affairs. Japan has no qualification, let alone the right, to meddle in the Taiwan question. Takaichi Sanae’s reckless remarks on the Taiwan question, which concerns China’s core interests, have aroused strong indignation among the Chinese government and people, leading to a sharp deterioration in China-Japan relations.
Why Did Takaichi Sanae Make Such Remarks?
First, the most significant implication of Takaichi Sanae’s election lies in the full-scale rise of Japan’s far-right forces. Known as Japan’s “Queen of the Hawks”, Takaichi Sanae is characterized by two traits: extreme right-wing ideology and extreme anti-China stance. To put it bluntly, Japan’s right-wing forces are essentially Japanese militarism, which has always denied the heinous crimes of Japan’s aggressive history, sought to rearm Japan, and pursue external expansion once again. Regarding historical issues, she has visited the Yasukuni Shrine for many consecutive years and openly reveres Japanese war criminals. Militarily, her propositions are almost a return to the era of militarism—she advocates increasing defense spending and restoring Japan’s status as a military power. In terms of foreign policy, she insists on strengthening the Japan-US Alliance and adopting a tough stance against China. Takaichi Sanae’s ascent to power reflects Japan’s collective ambition and serves as a symbol of the overall right-wing shift in Japanese society.
Second, this is a necessity to consolidate her governing position. Although Takaichi Sanae was successfully elected President of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Prime Minister of Japan, she is confronted with an unprecedented political predicament. The LDP does not hold a majority of seats in either the House of Representatives or the House of Councillors of the National Diet, which means that even after assuming the premiership, Takaichi Sanae will be confronted with the predicament of “minority governance”, and she may encounter considerable difficulties in advancing her policies. Given her temperament, she is highly likely to take an extreme approach to rally public support to the greatest extent. Furthermore, Takaichi Sanae is also grappling with domestic livelihood challenges such as high inflation and the aging population coupled with a declining birth rate. Precisely because of the political instability within Japan, she has resorted to a tough foreign policy to garner more support; otherwise, her position as prime minister will be precarious.
Third, the United States is pleased with Takaichi Sanae’s remarks to some extent, as this enables it to transform Japan into a militarized forward position that serves as an American proxy to contain China. The United States has not favored Ishiba Shigeru, for it does not want the Japanese government to develop independent policy. What it desires is an extreme Japanese prime minister—one who will charge ahead at America’s slightest provocation. Beyond the United States, pro-American far-right forces in Japan are also eager to see their mouthpiece elected, making Takaichi Sanae the ideal candidate. Through the long-term propaganda of right-wing groups, many Western countries—Japan included—have been led to believe that China is to blame for all the problems they currently face. Hence, Japan’s fanciful agenda is to help American defeat China, revitalize the old globalization system, and reclaim its prominent position within that framework.
Fourth, Takaichi Sanae has made such remarks deliberately, willing to sacrifice China-Japan relations for her own political gains. She seeks to hype up the China threat theory by escalating Sino-Japanese frictions, using this as a pretext to push for constitutional revision and military expansion. This move is bound to set back China-Japan relations; furthermore, it can only further embolden Japan’s far-right forces through this deterioration of bilateral ties, thereby advancing constitutional revision and military buildup while exploiting the Taiwan question for political self-interest.
Fifth, Japan is always trying to exploit the loopholes in China’s commitment to win-win cooperation. China has always advocated mutually beneficial cooperation and win-win outcomes, and has consistently stressed resolving disputes through engagement and dialogue. Especially amid the complex and volatile state of global relations, China will avoid conflicts whenever possible and opt for cooperation where feasible. She is precisely seeking to capitalize on this mindset of China’s, under the assumption that China will not take any drastic measures against Japan.
Why Must China Demand Takaichi Sanae to Retract Her Wrong Remarks?
First, China will never allow the Japanese aggressors to have their way on the Taiwan question. Even if it comes to fierce confrontation, China must thoroughly dispel the reckless fantasies of Japan’s ultra-right wing elements, laying the groundwork for the ultimate reckoning with such ultra-right militarist forces in the future. When a country’s prime minister makes a consequential statement on a formal occasion, it becomes the political stance upheld by that nation. If the statement is not retracted, this stance can be perpetuated by subsequent governments of the country, or even wielded as a political tool by them. Takaichi Sanae made such remarks out of deliberate calculation. If China chooses not to respond, Japan will only push its luck further; if China takes a firm stance, Takaichi can then claim credit to the United States, secure American support, and even attempt to drag the U.S. into the fray. Takaichi Sanae clearly miscalculated in trying to achieve two objectives with one single move. China must resolutely prevent and oppose such acts.
Second, Japan is extremely anxious about China’s rise.Unlike Germany, Japan has committed unforgivable heinous crimes against China and it has yet never intended to offer a sincere apology. It is petrified that a rising China will hold it accountable for its historical atrocities—a guilty conscience is deeply ingrained in its national psyche. We have never forgotten the blood debt owed to 35 million compatriots, while Japan has been unable to face up to this history. So what is its recourse? Since Shinzo Abe’s tenure, Japan has been relentlessly seeking to provoke a showdown between China and the United States. Subsequent administrations have largely followed this trajectory, with occasional temporary detours—such as Ishiba Shigeru’s one-year term in office. As a devout follower of Shinzo Abe, Takaichi Sanae, upon taking office, has lost no time in doubling down on this course of action. In essence, Japan harbors malicious intentions: it seeks to rely on the United States to contain China, disregarding the interests of both the Japanese people and those of other Asian nations. Such provocative acts against China are nothing but a case of harming others without benefiting oneself.
Third, most importantly, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s core interests, and brooks no meddling by Japan whatsoever. As a defeated nation of World War II, Japan is not a fully sovereign normal country. Unlike Germany, Japan has never offered a sincere apology to the countries it victimized. It is imperative to recognize that the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation constitute the most important cornerstones of the post-WWII international order formulated under the auspices of the United States. Issued jointly by China, the United States, and the United Kingdom on December 1, 1943, the Cairo Declaration focused primarily on the Asia-Pacific region. Its core tenet was to strip Japan of all territories it had seized in the Pacific since 1914, and it explicitly stipulated that “all territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Manchuria[Northeast Provinces], Formosa [Taiwan] and the Pescadores [Penghu Islands], shall be restored to the Republic of China”. The Potsdam Proclamation, released by China, the United States, and the United Kingdom on July 26, 1945 (with the Soviet Union acceding to it in August of the same year), centered on demanding the unconditional surrender of Japan’s armed forces and stipulated that “the sovereignty of Japan shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such minor islands as we determine”. Japan has absolutely no justification to interfere in matters related to Taiwan, and what is more, even the Ryukyu Islands are not legitimately part of Japan’s territory.
Forth, in recent years, Japan has been gradually breaking through the constraints of its Exclusive Defense Principle, ramping up military expenditure, lifting restrictions on its military capabilities, and even seeking to acquire nuclear weapons—all of which lay bare its ambition to revert to the path of military expansion. This constitutes nothing less than a direct challenge to the post-WWII international order. Japan also attempts to actively cooperate with the United States in deploying intermediate-range missile systems in the Asia-Pacific, with these moves clearly targeted at China. Historically, Japan has invaded China time and again and has never abandoned its expansionist ambitions; the trigger for its aggression during WWII was precisely its domestic economic crisis. Today, Japan is edging perilously close to the same state it was in prior to WWII. Once Japan embarks on the road to militarism again, it will pose a grave challenge to the world order.
What Does the Future Hold for China-Japan Relations?
In any case, Takaichi’s blatant advocacy of her contacts with so-called “Taiwan authorities” personnel and her implication of military intervention on the Taiwan question constitute a gross provocation against China’s red lines. This is a clear indication of her entrenched anti-China stance. The resurgence of Japanese militarism has always been something that China vigilantly opposes, and the Taiwan question represents the very core of China’s core interests. Given Japan’s blatant affront on this front, China will certainly not show leniency and is bound to take countermeasures.
First, China must curb the resurgence of Japanese militarism. Diplomatically, China will certainly take political and diplomatic measures to counter Japan; at the very least, it will scale back diplomatic engagements with the country. In terms of economic and trade relations, adjustments to the cooperation framework are inevitable. In the East China Sea, particularly around the Diaoyu Islands, China will further intensify the regularized patrols for safeguarding maritime rights and interests, and also strengthen military deployments and operations in the direction of Japan. Japan’s economy is currently under considerable strain, and the deterioration of China-Japan relations will undoubtedly add insult to injury for Japan’s economic prospects. Besides, the United States will by no means loosen its control over Japan.
Second, China must take necessary measures to compel Takaichi Sanae to retract her erroneous remarks on Taiwan. If this round of China-Japan dispute over the Taiwan question ends up unresolved, future Japanese administrations will have a de facto theoretical basis to intervene in Taiwan affairs. This is because the remarks were a formal statement made by a Japanese prime minister. If the remarks was never withdrawn, this is something China will never tolerate. It is precisely the petty tactic that the Japanese side has long resorted to—and neither the Chinese government nor its people will acquiesce to it. To date, neither Takaichi Sanae nor the Japanese government has explicitly retracted those erroneous remarks, which means they have not acknowledged their mistakes. Therefore, we should not be overly optimistic about the future of China-Japan relations. Similar to the Diaoyu Islands crisis back in the day, if Japan persists in refusing to correct its erroneous stance, the friction will very likely escalate further.
Third, the countries victimized by Japan during World War II must unite more closely to thoroughly hold Japan accountable for its militarist past and jointly contain and counter the resurgence of Japanese militarism. Centered on Asian nations, the victim countries of Japan in WWII also include those in the Pacific region and some European and American states. Virtually all countries that had military conflicts with Japan or were invaded and occupied by it suffered varying degrees of casualties and property losses.
Among them, the major Asian victim countries—the core regions of Japan’s aggression—include China, the DPRK, the ROK, the Philippines, Indonesia, Myanmar, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The victim countries in the Pacific region cover the United States, Australia and New Zealand. Other victim countries also include the United Kingdom (including its colonies of Singapore and Malaysia) and the Netherlands (including its colony of Indonesia).
It can be said that Japan’s pursuit of a policy of foreign aggression and expansion during WWII extended across Asia and the Pacific, victimizing dozens of countries and involving billions of people. The people of these countries were not only subjected to direct massacre, oppression and plunder, but also endured long-term economic decline, social division and psychological trauma brought about by the war. This history has become a shared painful memory of humanity and also an important backdrop for the construction of the post-war international order.
Fourth, the revenge sought by Japan’s right-wing forces is not measured in decades, but potentially in centuries. To the United States, a nuclear-armed Japan bent on revenge would pose a threat incomparable to the Pearl Harbor attack of the past. Needless to say, this process would also be one that leads Japan to its own destruction.
The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (written by Ruth Benedict)—the book by an American scholar that examines the Japanese nation—contains a classic summary of Japanese character traits: “The Japanese are, to the highest degree, both aggressive and unaggressive, both militaristic and aesthetic, both insolent and polite, rigid and adaptable, submissive and resentful of being pushed around, loyal and treacherous, brave and timid, conservative and hospitable to new ways.” These psychological and character traits of the Japanese can, in fact, be further condensed into a single sentence: extreme deference to strength and extreme contempt for weakness. When dealing with countries weaker than itself, Japan’s ultra-right militarist forces embrace extreme nationalism; yet in the face of the United States—a power far stronger—it instantly reverts to extreme colonial subservience.
Of course, Japan’s deference and obedience to the United States will not be permanent. If the decline of U.S. power crosses a critical threshold, the Japanese will come to believe that the United States no longer deserves their reverence. At that point, their sentiment toward the U.S. will turn to disdain and hatred. In other words, once Japanese militarism revives, the United States will likely be its first target.
Therefore, in a broader sense, Sanae Takaichi’s remarks not only challenge the one-China principle but also attempt to repudiate Japan’s commitment to its unconditional surrender in 1945—a red line that no country which suffered Japanese aggression, including the United States, can ever tolerate.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
-
Europe2 weeks agoBerlin Left Party backs Israel’s right to exist for coalition pact
-
America2 weeks agoHow will Brazil’s presidential runoff work?
-
Diplomacy2 weeks agoThe West is preparing for war not with Russia, but with its own people, French analyst Georges Kuzmanovic insists
-
Russia2 weeks ago71 EU lawmakers demand closure of Russian Houses in 15 member states
-
Russia2 weeks agoUS and Russian figures discuss American stake in Nord Stream lines
-
Europe2 weeks agoMI6 investigates potential leaks after former BND chief is detained
-
Russia2 weeks agoDrone strike shuts down Yandex data centre in Russia’s Ryazan region
-
America1 week agoTrump weighs presidential memorandum to cut surging US diesel prices
