Opinion
How did imperialism dismember Yugoslavia?
US imperialism, having enlisted Israel—one of its two strategic allies, the other being the United Kingdom—is endeavoring to reshape the Middle East. The priorities of the US and Israel include the liquidation of nation-states in the region; regime change and even border alterations in Iran, whose turn has come following Iraq and Syria; and the establishment of full US control over energy resources and transit routes. Among these priorities are also the containment of Chinese and Russian influence in the region, the establishment of a Kurdish state as a garrison or puppet state, and the alleviation of Saudi Arabia’s security concerns.
As the US and its European partners advance toward their imperialist objectives, they are exploiting identity politics to the fullest extent. To divide Middle Eastern countries from within and pit them against one another, they incite and exacerbate medieval remnants and feudal residues of belonging, affiliation, and sensibilities. The objective is to first persuade these countries toward federalism via feudalism, and subsequently to divide and dismember them.
In this context, the events that unfolded in Yugoslavia during the final decade of the last century offer critical lessons regarding the consequences of ethnic, religious, and sectarian slaughter. Let us recall Yugoslavia: a nation that interpreted socialism in its own unique way, observed regional and global balances, was not a member of the Warsaw Pact, took significant strides in economy and industry, drew attention with its achievements in sports and arts, and held a prestigious position in the Non-Aligned Movement. It was torn apart in a bloody fashion. Today, seven states stand in Yugoslavia’s place: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia, and Kosovo.
Yugoslavia, which literally means the Land of the South Slavs, was founded after World War II under the leadership of Tito—who was known as Marshal due to his military successes during the war, despite not being a soldier by profession. Tito was a patriot who defended his homeland against Nazi occupiers, a successful commander, a formidable organizer, a staunch socialist, and a successful, charismatic statesman. Born to a Croatian father and a Slovenian mother, Tito believed in independence, self-management, federalism, and a socialist market economy. He did not hesitate to fall out with USSR leader Stalin. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six federated states and two autonomous regions: Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Croatia were the federated states; Vojvodina and Kosovo were the autonomous regions. Tito’s leadership and charisma bore immense significance for his country. With the death of Josip Broz Tito on May 4, 1980, Yugoslavia entered a period of crisis. With imperialism descending upon it, the process of disintegration began.
Why was Yugoslavia chosen as a target?
Yugoslavia occupied an important and unique position in the Balkans, not only geographically but also politically and diplomatically. It possessed an effective administration. It was socialist, yet not under the tutelage of the USSR. It maintained an independent line. It stood out with its industrial infrastructure and skilled workforce.
Alongside these strengths, it also faced significant problems. Ethnic, religious, and cultural differences were rife. Corruption in the bureaucracy was widespread. Rising nationalist currents were becoming conspicuous. There were deep disparities in economic development among the federated republics constituting Yugoslavia. Serbia, holding the population majority and military power, and the economically advanced Slovenia and Croatia held diverging views regarding the country’s future. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 and the USSR in 1991 left Yugoslavia isolated against the West.
The termination of the socialist regime in Yugoslavia, along with economic and political steps taken to prolong the federation’s life—such as the adoption of a market economy and the transition to a multi-party system—did not yield the hoped-for results. On the contrary, they accelerated the country’s dissolution. Both socialism and the federal state collapsed simultaneously. In this respect, its fate resembled that of the USSR. Different political currents in different federated republics failed to cooperate to keep the country standing. Ethnic and religious sensitivities strengthened under the guise of democracy and freedom imposed by the West. In every federated republic, separatist movements, organizations, and actors came to the fore with support arriving from the US and Europe.
Yugoslavia’s unique model of socialism, based on a Yugoslav supra-identity, had been successful while Tito was alive. However, after Tito, it became evident that national issues and identity problems had not been resolved, and the conflicts between them had never truly been eliminated. Another misfortune for the country was that the New World Order, globalization, and imperialism prioritized identity politics and placed Yugoslavia in their crosshairs.
What was Tito’s great anxiety?
According to Yugoslavia’s founding leader Tito, Yugoslavia—harboring numerous ethnic communities within its structure—represented an integrated political identity independent of ethnic differences and transcending them. However, Tito was also aware of the games imperialism was playing on his country; in 1971, he stated: “…They are calculating that if Tito goes, everything will collapse. Some are seriously waiting for this. The internal enemy receives countless support from the outside. Great powers will utilize any devil that serves their purpose.”
In the first 35 years of the Cold War, Yugoslavia stood out as the country with the most liberal economy, the most libertarian political structure, and the highest level of ethnic and religious tolerance in the socialist world. Tito’s three administrative principles were decisive in its prominence with these qualities: 1) Ensuring local freedoms through the concept of self-management. 2) Establishing ethnic harmony within a single-party administration through the concept of brotherhood and unity. 3) Serving world peace through the concept of non-alignment in foreign policy. With Tito’s death in 1980, the country lost its most important unifying glue, and these three principles began to rot. The global economic depression effective in the early 1980s also put the country in a difficult position. The disparities in economic development between the federated republics became blatantly apparent. (1)
It was better understood after his death that Tito was, for Yugoslavia, far more than a founding leader or national hero; he was the actor who enabled living together. It became apparent that there had been a failure to institutionalize the commonalities and similarities among the different peoples, cultures, and religions constituting the federal republic to the hoped-for extent, and that the carefully desired Yugoslav supra-identity could not be formed as wished. The principle of “brotherhood and unity,” which Tito never ceased to mention, was forgotten after his death. Indeed, ten years after his death, civil war began.
In the census conducted in 1981, it was striking that in a country of 22.4 million, only 5 percent of the population defined themselves as “Yugoslav.” This 5 percent segment consisted predominantly of civil and military bureaucrats, party administrators, and intellectuals. For 95 percent of the citizens, ethnic identity, historical memory, and national sentiments were paramount. The deterioration of the economy in the 1980s also fueled reaction against the government and reinforced nationalist sentiments. The multicultural, multi-identity, multi-religious, multi-national, and multi-people structure, combined with the economic development disparities between federal republics, presented an environment for the US and the European Union to use, exploit, and provoke.
Different approaches regarding the fragmentation
Various interpretations have been made regarding the fragmentation of Yugoslavia following years of bloody civil wars.
Some experts state that the support provided by the US and the European Union to fascist actors in Yugoslavia divided the country. They argue that Western imperialism could never stomach a strong and united Yugoslavia in the Balkans.
According to some experts, the fundamental reason for the division is economic. Wealthy and industrially strong Slovenia, and Croatia—which possessed significant tourism revenues and was in a better economic situation—viewed the other parts of the country as a burden. They drew closer to the European Union, particularly Germany, and demanded independence.
Some experts argue that the dissolution of the USSR plunged Yugoslavia, which had very strong trade ties with that country, into an economic bottleneck and brought about the division.
According to some experts, the element uniting the peoples in Yugoslavia was the communist ideology. With the collapse of communism, this bond disappeared, and the country was divided as a result of rising extreme nationalism.
According to other experts, the greatest party responsible for the fragmentation of Yugoslavia is Serbian nationalism. Serbian nationalism dreamed of a Greater Serbia. It ignored the multi-national, multi-religious, multi-lingual, and multi-cultural structure of the country. It viewed the Serbs as the sovereign and primary element of the country, utilized Serb minorities in the federated republics, supported Serb separatists in those regions, and believed it could prevent the country’s division by resorting to violence. Through these attitudes, it caused nationalist currents in other republics to strengthen and ultimately led to the country’s dissolution.
A study conducted in 1980 revealed the economic disparity between the federated republics. According to the study, accepting the Yugoslav average as 100, the minimum subsistence index was 122 in Slovenia and 130 in Croatia. In contrast, it was 87 in Serbia, 76 in Montenegro, 66 in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and 64 in Macedonia (2). Regarding economic approaches to Yugoslavia’s fragmentation, the per capita GNP (in US dollars) in the federated republics and autonomous regions using 1990–1991 data also provides an idea: Slovenia (5,500), Croatia (3,400), Serbia (2,200), Montenegro (1,700), Bosnia-Herzegovina (1,600), Macedonia (1,400), Vojvodina (3,250), and Kosovo (730) (3).
After Tito, Serbia, which was politically strong and constituted the most populous demographic, attempted to transform the federal state into a unitary state. Economically strong Slovenia and Croatia, on the other hand, endeavored to transform it into a loose confederation. The wealthy republics did not want to “carry” the poor republics and viewed them as a burden. The first signs of breaking away from Yugoslavia with demands for independence came from the two wealthy republics, Slovenia and Croatia. Relying on the fact that Serbs lived in different federated states, Serbia was eager to interfere in the internal affairs of these federated states. This, in turn, increased the backlash.
Yugoslavia’s population structure in terms of religion and sect was as follows: Orthodox Christians constituted one-third of the population, ranking first in this regard. Catholics made up one-fourth of the population. Fifteen percent of the population was Muslim. Although sources vary slightly, the ethnic and religious distribution in Yugoslavia’s federated states and autonomous regions in 1981 was as follows:
- Bosnia-Herzegovina: Muslims 39.1%, Serbs 32%, Croats 18.4%.
- Croatia: Croats 75.1%, Serbs 11.5%.
- Macedonia: Macedonians 67%, Albanians 19.6%.
- Montenegro: Montenegrins 68.5%, Muslims 13.4%.
- Serbia: Serbs 66.4%, Albanians 19.6%.
- Slovenia: Slovenes 90.5%.
In Kosovo, Albanians constituted 77.5% of the population. In Vojvodina, 55.8% of the population was Serb, and 21.7% was Hungarian. The most populous minorities consisted of Albanians, Hungarians, Roma, Bulgarians, Romanians, Slovaks, and Turks. (4)
In Yugoslavia, where the population reached 23.5 million in 1990, Serbs constituted the largest demographic with a population of 10 million. Of these 10 million, 6 million lived in Serbia, 1.5 million in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and 600,000 in Croatia.
The football match in Zagreb and the fractured region
While Slovenia and Croatia, Yugoslavia’s two wealthy federated republics, complained about the central economic structure and viewed the other republics as a burden, they also claimed that the system constantly favored Serbia. According to them, they were the ones working and producing, but the Serbs, who held the majority in the bureaucracy, trade, and banking, were skimming the cream off the country.
Slovenia was very eager for independence. This was because it was both the wealthiest federated republic and possessed a relatively homogeneous population. It had already turned its face toward the free market economy and integration with Europe. It trusted its developed economy. It received support from Germany, with which it had historical ties and which backed it. It pursued a nationalist policy that excluded and belittled the federated republics in poorer and weaker positions. Croatia, too, trusted its economic power. It was a federated republic where nationalism was influential.
Macedonia, Yugoslavia’s poorest federated republic, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, its most ethnically mixed, wanted the federation to continue its existence in the form of a loose confederation. Both feared a federation that did not include Slovenia and Croatia. In October 1990, Croatia and Slovenia proposed transforming the federation into a loose confederation. Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina supported the thesis of a federation of sovereign states. Serbia and Montenegro, however, demanded a centralized federal system. (5)
The reason Bosnia-Herzegovina—which desired a loose federation—was the country that least wanted the dissolution of the federation was primarily due to the complexity of its ethnic, religious, and cultural structure; other reasons included the fragility of its economy and its military weakness.
The political and social tension, which was running quite high, became fully exposed with a football match played in the Croatian capital, Zagreb. The events that transpired before the Dinamo Zagreb – Red Star match at Maksimir Stadium on May 13, 1990—Croatian footballer Zvonimir Boban kicking a police officer, injured police, fighting fans—demonstrated that living together was no longer possible. The process of division was ignited by a football match played between Croatian and Serbian teams.
Shortly after this event, on July 2, 1990, the Slovenian national assembly, followed by the Croatian national assembly, made decisions for independence. On June 25, 1991, the two republics, unable to agree with the Serbs in the federation administration, officially declared their independence. On June 27, the federal army, under Serbian control, intervened in Slovenia and Croatia. Slovenia was ready for war, having quietly invested in its defense and taken the necessary steps for two years. It was the federal army that was not sufficiently prepared. Slovenia won the war. On the 10th day of the war, the federal army was forced to request a ceasefire. In Croatia, the federal army seized one-fourth of the country, and the war ended in January 1992.
Ultimately, Yugoslavia disintegrated in 1992. Conflicts, and particularly genocides and massacres against Muslim Bosniaks, occurred on the country’s fragmented lands. Even though they separated, deep divergences of opinion and crises of confidence came to the fore among the states that would continue to live as neighbors in the same region. The winner was US and European imperialism.
References
- Oral Sander, Siyasi Tarih 1918-1994 [Political History 1918-1994], İmge Kitabevi, Ankara, 1994, pp. 493-494.
- Tanıl Bora, Yeni Dünya Düzeninin Av Sahası [Hunting Ground of the New World Order], Birikim Yayınları, Istanbul, 1994, p. 55.
- Murat Taşar, Burhan Metin, Altay Ünaltay, Bosna- Hersek ve Postmodern Ortaçağa Giriş [Bosnia-Herzegovina and Introduction to the Postmodern Middle Ages], Birleşik Yayıncılık, Istanbul, 1996, p. 109.
- Mehmet Atay, “Balkan Jeopolitiğini Etkileyen ve Değiştiren Politik- Askeri Gelişmelere Kısa Bakış” [A Brief Look at Political-Military Developments Affecting and Changing Balkan Geopolitics], Avrasya Dosyası, Spring-Summer 1998, Vol: 4, pp. 112 – 113.
- Emin Gürses, Milliyetçi Hareketler ve Uluslararası Sistem [Nationalist Movements and the International System], Bağlam Yayınları, Istanbul, 1998, p. 185.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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