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Japan considers Alaska gas pipeline to appease Trump

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Japan is considering backing a $44 billion natural gas pipeline in Alaska to curry favor with US President Donald Trump and avoid potential trade frictions, three officials familiar with the matter told Reuters.

Officials in Tokyo expect Trump to raise the project, which he has said is key to US prosperity and security, when he meets with Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba for the first time in Washington next week.

Japan has doubts about the viability of the 800-mile pipeline, which would connect fields in northern Alaska to a southern port where the gas would be liquefied and shipped to Asian customers, because of the total cost of the gas compared to other sources. But officials said they were prepared to offer to explore a deal if requested.

Tokyo could include such a commitment among other concessions, such as buying more US gas and increasing defense spending and manufacturing investment in the US to reduce the $56 billion bilateral trade deficit and stave off the threat of tariffs, one of the officials said.

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the meeting. Japan’s Foreign Ministry said it was premature to discuss the issue.

Details of Japan’s possible interest in the Alaska project had not previously been reported. According to Reuters, the officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media.

Promise to unlock Alaska’s resource potential

Among the decrees Trump signed when he took office on 20 January was one promising to unlock Alaska’s resource potential, “including the sale and transport of Alaska LNG to other parts of the United States and allied countries in the Pacific region.”

Trump described the gas project as a win for Alaska and US allies in Asia seeking a stable source of energy. But Japan already has ample access to LNG, and its companies traded about 38 million tonnes last year, more than half of its domestic consumption.

Still, the Alaska pipeline could help Japan diversify its supplies from sources such as Russia and the Middle East, where it realizes about a tenth of its gas imports.

Ishiba told parliament on Friday that Japan needs to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels, saying “there are things we need to demand from the United States in terms of stable energy supply.” He did not elaborate on this and did not mention the Alaska project.

Officials cautioned that Ishiba would not be able to make firm commitments on LNG, including investing in the Alaska project, when he meets with Trump. A fourth official said any deal must offer reasonable pricing and flexibility, including allowing Japanese buyers to resell the LNG they buy.

Efforts to bond with Trump

Since returning to the White House, Mr Trump has spoken of a series of tariffs on foreign goods but has said little about his approach to economic and security relations with Japan. But the issue has dominated political discourse in Japan, a key US ally and largest foreign investor, which was shaken by Trump’s tariffs on steel imports during his first term and his demand that Tokyo pay more to host American troops.

Media attention in Tokyo has focused on whether Ishiba, who became prime minister last year and heads a minority government, can replicate the bond with Trump that former Japanese leader Shinzo Abe forged during his first term.

Abe, who was assassinated in 2022, was the first foreign leader to meet Trump after his 2016 election victory, and the two became “close confidants” and golfing partners.

The Ishiba administration, which has no such acquaintance with Trump’s inner circle, has sought advice from US lawmakers and policy experts with ties to both Japan and Trump. These include Tennessee Senator Bill Hagerty, the former US ambassador to Tokyo, and Kenneth Weinstein, Japan director of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank.

Weinstein told Reuters that he encouraged Japan to deepen its energy partnerships with the United States and that the Alaska project requires serious consideration. Hagerty’s office did not respond to questions.

Tokyo-based businessman Ado Machida, who served on Trump’s transition team after his 2016 election victory, said Japan’s offer to buy more LNG and support the Alaska LNG pipeline would be “probably the easiest” way to win Trump.

“Trump will want to know what Japan will do for him,” Machida said, adding that he had spoken to Japanese government officials about the offer.

State-owned banks such as the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) could provide financing for the Alaska project to trading firms such as Mitsubishi Corp. and Mitsui & Co., which Japan relies on to secure its offshore oil, gas and coal reserves, one of the officials said.

In 2022, Mitsubishi reached an agreement with Alaska Gasline Development Corporation (AGDC), the state-owned company overseeing the LNG proposal, to assess the feasibility of producing ammonia there. Mitsubishi did not commit to the project beyond the evaluation.

Mitsubishi and Mitsui declined to comment on potential investments and discussions related to the Alaska LNG project. JBIC said it would consider providing support on a case-by-case basis, taking into account factors such as any participation by Japanese companies.

A spokesperson for AGDC told Reuters that it had held discussions with Japanese energy leaders about the project but gave no details.

The project, first approved during Trump’s previous term, received authorization from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission in 2020 and final regulatory approval in 2022, despite opposition from environmental groups.

This month, AGDC announced that it had signed an agreement with developer Glenfarne to move the pipeline forward.

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Analysts warn new surge in Chinese exports threatens global markets

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Financial Times writer Ryan Avent has written that a fresh, rapid surge in China’s trade surplus could signal a new wave of the “China shock”.

Economists define the “China shock” as a spike in Chinese exports to global markets that intensifies competition for manufacturers in advanced economies and curtails employment in certain sectors.

The term gained widespread currency after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, accelerating the inflow of inexpensive Chinese goods into the US and other nations.

The US was the country hit hardest by the initial shockwave. Between 1999 and 2011, more than 2 million jobs were lost because domestic producers were unable to withstand the competition.

Avent argued that the effects of the initial wave are still felt across the American economy because China failed to carry out the rebalancing that the world expected.

The share of net exports in China’s gross domestic product contracted during the 2007-2019 period, allowing Western nations to focus on national security and other matters.

Avent reported that the trade surplus is now escalating rapidly once again, posing a threat to the economies of wealthy nations.

The writer pointed to the stagnation of domestic demand following the collapse of the real estate market six years ago as one cause of this surplus. Another prominent factor is the Beijing government’s channelling of massive resources into manufacturing in pursuit of self-sufficiency.

Attention was also drawn to the role of the depreciating yuan. An appreciation of the currency could require China to alter its foreign exchange interventions, reduce purchases of foreign currency and assets, and sell those assets off. That scenario could trigger currency depreciation and rising interest rates in other countries.

The Wall Street Journal also reported in the spring of 2024 on economists’ concerns regarding a potential second wave.

Experts predicted that global markets would once again be flooded with inexpensive goods, stating that China was manufacturing far beyond domestic demand to overcome its economic troubles.

Moreover, it was stressed that China is now competing in high-technology fields such as automobiles, computer chips, and complex machinery manufacturing.

Meanwhile, Vasiliy Kashin, Director of the Centre for Comprehensive European and International Studies at the Higher School of Economics (HSE) University in Moscow, told the Russian media outlet RBC that the US has imposed sanctions on the Chinese economy since the first shock period, adding that these measures would very likely tighten in the event of a fresh export wave.

According to assessments reported by the Financial Times, this new process could also shake China’s own economy. Alongside rising output, entry-level manufacturing plants across the country are turning toward automation and reducing personnel.

This trend could trigger a painful departure from labour-intensive production, leaving millions unemployed. Manufacturing activities in China that previously capitalised on cheap labour are shifting to other Southeast Asian countries.

The Beijing administration rejected allegations that its industrialisation steps pose risks to other countries. As reported by the Xinhua news agency, China’s Ministry of Commerce stressed that claims of a “China shock 2.0” are groundless. The ministry stated:

“The US and other Western countries have circulated the so-called ‘China shock 2.0’ narrative, asserting that China’s industrial development has shaken Western monopolies and narrowed growth space for Global South countries. This claim is unsupported by concrete data and is entirely unfounded.”

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Iran and China run secret barter network to bypass oil sanctions

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Iran is operating a covert, barter-like trade mechanism to bypass sanctions on its oil sales and procure billions of dollars in goods from China, including military hardware.

Speaking to the Reuters news agency, two senior Iranian officials and three sources closely monitoring the matter said the Tehran administration receives credits for goods imported from China instead of cash in exchange for the oil it sells to the country.

The sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity, emphasised that this method of swapping oil revenues for Chinese goods provides an immediate financial lifeline to the Tehran government at a time when the US has intensified economic and military pressure over its nuclear programme.

China, the world’s largest crude importer, continues to access discounted Iranian oil through this arrangement while shielding its banks and exporting companies from the risk of international penalties.

Although the Washington administration has imposed sanctions on several small-scale Chinese entities facilitating the transport of Iranian oil, it avoids sweeping measures that could shake the global economy.

The US has stepped up its pressure as it seeks to reopen the Strait of Hormuz amid the ongoing war between the two countries.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said last month that countries failing to cut commercial ties with Tehran would risk exclusion from the dollar system.

It remains unclear how the barter mechanism has been affected by the US naval blockade imposed on Iran as part of the six-month-old war.

However, since the reimposition of the blockade on 14 July, no shipments of Iranian oil passing through the Strait of Hormuz to China have been recorded.

Beijing and Tehran, which describe Western unilateral sanctions as illegal, refrain from disclosing publicly how they sustain their trade.

Sources state that Tehran introduced this system to obtain pharmaceuticals, vehicles, and communications equipment. Chinese manufacturers are said to have no direct contact with Iran, and there is no indication that they are violating sanctions.

On the other hand, the mechanism was utilised at least once last year under contracts supplying Iran with millions of dollars’ worth of air defence equipment. The sources provided no details regarding the shipments in question, and the transactions were not independently verified.

The United Nations conventional arms embargo returned alongside other sanctions in September 2025 following the collapse of the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and world powers.

Tehran had withdrawn from the terms of the agreement, while Beijing and Tehran described the European nations’ automatic reimposition of sanctions as legally flawed.

Responding to questions from Reuters, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that it had no knowledge of the trade structure in question.

Beijing stated that it opposes unilateral sanctions lacking United Nations Security Council authorisation and having no basis in international law.

Iran’s diplomatic missions in New York and Geneva remained silent on the inquiries. A US official speaking on behalf of the White House stated only that they are working with international partners, including the EU, to prevent Tehran from achieving its nuclear goals.

According to data analytics company Kpler, China purchased more than 80% of the crude oil exported by Iran in 2025. This share equates to an average of 1.4 million barrels per day.

Although the two countries signed a 25-year strategic partnership agreement in 2021 covering energy and infrastructure, the operational details of their cooperation remain largely confidential.

The model in question constitutes only one of the networks through which Iran procures goods and services from China without passing through international banking channels.

A Western official and two other individuals tracking the matter said that a buyer acting on behalf of state-owned Chinese oil company Zhuhai Zhenrong deposited hundreds of millions of dollars each month until this year into ChuXin, a shadow financial entity based in China.

These deposits reportedly represent payment for oil purchased from a Hong Kong-based company linked to the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC).

Approximately 70% of the oil revenues routed through ChuXin is allocated to infrastructure projects in Iran. The remainder is transferred to the accounts of a special purpose vehicle (SPV) established to disburse payments to companies supplying goods to Iran.

Sources close to Iran’s decision-making apparatus confirm the existence of this financial mechanism.

Fund management is shared between a firm acting on behalf of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce and another entity linked to the Central Bank of Iran. When the Central Bank of Iran authorises importers, money transfers are directed to supplier firms. While the name ChuXin does not appear in official records, one source noted that the structure exists solely on balance sheets.

Andrea Ghiselli, an international politics specialist at the University of Exeter, stated that Beijing uses these indirect networks to demonstrate that it will not bow to US secondary sanction threats.

Highlighting that Chinese leaders aim to protect their own banks and firms from being pushed out of the global financial system, Ghiselli said: “They want to create deniability.”

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China leads $54bn capital injection into state banks and insurers

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China’s Ministry of Finance will lead a total capital injection of $54 billion into state-owned insurance companies and banks as part of a coordinated push to reinforce the capital structure across the country’s financial system, according to details disclosed by the institutions in statements on Sunday.

China Life Insurance (Group) Co, the country’s largest life insurer, will receive 35 billion yuan ($5.2 billion) in capital support, whilst China Taiping Insurance Group will receive 7 billion yuan.

In a separate announcement, People’s Insurance Company (Group) of China (PICC) said it plans to raise up to 15 billion yuan via a private placement of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance. The company stated that the proceeds will be used to replenish its capital.

The initiative could fortify the financial position of state insurers, which have been called upon to support the equity market with medium- and long-term funds. At the same time, it could position these institutions to help regulatory authorities manage smaller and higher-risk insurance companies.

Financial sector stability

China’s insurance industry has been contending with shrinking profitability caused by prolonged low interest rates. Solvency ratios across numerous small and medium-sized insurers have also deteriorated.

China Export and Credit Insurance Corp stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 10 billion yuan to boost the company’s core capital. China Reinsurance (Group) announced that it will execute a capital increase of 3 billion yuan.

“The capital injection represents an important step for enhancing the financial sector’s capacity to serve the real economy and promoting high-quality development across the financial and insurance industries,” China Life said in a statement. The insurer added that the capital support will improve the group’s resilience to risks.

Taiping also noted that the funds provided will strengthen the company’s solvency and other core metrics.

Banks benefit from recapitalisation plan

Separately, three state banks announced on Sunday that they will receive capital support totalling 290 billion yuan.

The recapitalisation framework was first announced during the annual parliamentary meetings in March this year. The move broadens a funding mechanism deployed last year to strengthen the capital structures of several other major state-owned lenders.

Agricultural Bank of China and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), two of the country’s largest state-owned lenders, announced plans to raise up to 160 billion yuan and 100 billion yuan, respectively, through private placements of A-shares to the Ministry of Finance, China National Tobacco Corp, and affiliated entities.

Both lenders confirmed that all net proceeds will be deployed to replenish their Core Tier 1 capital. The measure is expected to help sustain credit expansion at a juncture when Beijing is increasingly relying on state lenders to support economic growth.

Weak credit demand remains a persistent headwind for the world’s second-largest economy, while continuing to erode profitability across the banking sector.

Export-Import Bank of China, one of the country’s three policy banks, stated that the Ministry of Finance will inject 30 billion yuan of capital into the institution, thereby bolstering its capital base.

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