Asia
Political earthquake in Japan: Leadership race begins in LDP
Following major defeats in the House of Councillors elections after the House of Representatives elections, Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba announced his resignation on Sunday, September 7, unable to withstand the intense pressure to step down from within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP).
Having lost its majority in both the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors, the LDP-Komeito government will now move past the debate over who is responsible for this defeat and focus on building a new political system. However, establishing a system that will allow them to remain in power appears more difficult than ever. As the situation within the LDP becomes increasingly complex, some factions argue that the party’s future should be entrusted not to popular figures like Sanae Takaichi or Shinjiro Koizumi, but to lesser-known politicians.
The Ishiba–Koizumi Meeting
The expected outcome in political circles was once again quite dramatic. Some veteran Japanese journalists had predicted that Prime Minister Ishiba would resign before the special presidential election scheduled for the 8th. The fact that more than 120 LDP lawmakers called for an emergency election and nearly half of the prefectural assemblies took a similar stance indicated that his resignation was inevitable.
The Ishiba–Koizumi meeting, which took place at the Prime Minister’s Official Residence on the evening of September 6, determined the course of events. Ishiba held two-hour meetings, first with Vice President Yoshihide Suga and then with Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Shinjiro Koizumi. According to sources, Koizumi tried to persuade Ishiba by stating that the majority of the public wanted a presidential election, saying, “If the conflict continues, the LDP will surely split. You need to resign to maintain party unity.”
“The Same Faces Involved in the Resignation Drama,” Just Like Four Years Ago
These developments create a sense of déjà vu from four years ago. On August 31, 2021, Koizumi had persuaded then-Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga during a similar crisis, forcing him to change his election strategy. At that time, Suga was facing the risk of losing the presidential election, and to resolve the situation, Hiroyuki Moriyama, Chairman of the National Diet Affairs Committee (now Secretary-General), urged him to dissolve the Diet. Perhaps Koizumi’s persuasion efforts were effective, as Suga withdrew his bid for re-election and announced his resignation.
After the announcement, Koizumi met with Suga and told reporters in tears:
“I am very grateful.”
Meanwhile, Koizumi did not run in the LDP presidential election at that time, instead supporting Taro Kono along with Ishiba. Ishiba also decided not to run, and for this reason, the pair was dubbed the “Koishi-Kawa Alliance.” Kono later distanced himself from the coalition, but the “Koishi” alliance remains alive and strong. Looking at the drama surrounding this resignation announcement, it is clear that the same actors—Ishiba, Koizumi, Suga, and Moriyama—are involved, and the script so far is almost identical to that of four years ago.
However, the critical question this time is: Will Koizumi move from a supporting role to the lead?
Taro Aso’s Power and Reckoning
Another key factor that will determine the outcome of the presidential election is whether former Prime Minister Taro Aso (the party’s Vice President), one of the central figures in the camp that brought down Ishiba, will be able to lead in political affairs.
Aso holds a deep-seated animosity towards Ishiba. When the LDP suffered a crushing defeat in the 2007 House of Councillors elections, Ishiba harshly criticized then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who was trying to stay in office, and called for his resignation.
Aso, an ally of Abe, was angered and said that someone who had once left the LDP had no right to say such a thing. Moreover, in 2009, as Aso was struggling with declining approval ratings following the Lehman Shock, it was Ishiba who publicly called for his resignation, despite still being a member of Aso’s cabinet.
In last year’s LDP presidential election, driven by his animosity for Ishiba, he supported Takaichi at the last minute in the second round of voting. Even when efforts to oust Ishiba emerged after the House of Councillors elections, he was more determined than even the members of the former Abe faction implicated in illegal funds.
Some younger LDP members were shocked by Aso’s attempt to mobilize the only remaining faction within the party to overthrow Prime Minister Ishiba. Some say it is a sign of an old man’s single-mindedness or a delusion.
It is uncertain whether Aso will be able to maintain his influence within the LDP going forward.
The Rise and Uncertainty of Sanae Takaichi
Sanae Takaichi, who gained prominence with the support of Shinzo Abe in last year’s LDP presidential election, narrowly lost to Ishiba in the second round. Now, with Ishiba’s resignation, Takaichi has once again become a strong candidate. However, her base within the party is weakening, especially since half of the lawmakers who supported her have withdrawn from politics due to slush fund scandals.
Furthermore, the rise of the People’s Party and the Conservative Party of Japan is drawing some of Takaichi’s hard-right supporters to these new forces. Although she still ranks high in public opinion polls, it is noteworthy that in some surveys, she lags behind Koizumi and even Ishiba.
Potential Candidates After Ishiba
The LDP’s loss of its majority in the Diet [the Japanese parliament] makes it imperative for the new leader to be a pragmatic figure capable of negotiating with opposition parties. The prominent candidates include:
- Yoshimasa Hayashi – Chief Cabinet Secretary, an experienced moderate conservative. He has good relations with the opposition. He is seen within the party as a “colorless, transparent, and risk-free” candidate.
- Katsunobu Kato – Minister of Finance, has extensive political experience but is not well-known among the public.
- Takeshi Saito – Former Minister of International Trade and Industry, a figure who stands out for his practical skills.
- Shinjiro Koizumi – Highly popular, but his youth and lack of experience raise questions.
- Sanae Takaichi – Although her public support is strong, the internal party dynamics could pose a challenge for her.
- Takayuki Kobayashi – Considered one of the LDP’s “promising young” faces.
The format of the election is also crucial. If a “full-scale” election is held where party members can vote, the race could be between popular figures like Koizumi, Takaichi, and Kobayashi.
The LDP’s Future and Public Distrust
In the press conference announcing his resignation, Prime Minister Ishiba expressed his regret at having to leave office without achieving his goals. However, his delay in making a decision after the election defeat and the resulting “50-day political vacuum” created disappointment among the public.
For the Japanese people today, the real issue is not the LDP’s internal score-settling, but the establishment of a system that can provide solutions to fundamental problems such as the economy, inflation, energy security, and foreign policy. However, if this process gets bogged down in internal party power struggles, public trust in the LDP will be further eroded. In Ishiba’s own words:
“If the LDP loses the trust of the people, Japanese politics will easily surrender to populism.”
This warning indicates that Japanese politics is heading towards a major turning point in the coming period.
Asia
Chinese Politburo signals cautious confidence as Beijing pivots toward targeted tech support
The mid-year meeting of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Politburo has long served as a critical evaluation point for Beijing. The session provides the central government with an opportunity to review developments from the first half of the year and steer the country toward a more realistic economic course in the months ahead.
The latest statement from the top leadership signals cautious confidence. The release indicates that policymakers are favoring a stable, targeted approach over the broad-based stimulus measures that characterized previous years. As China manages its economic transition, the post-Covid era of aggressive spending has clearly drawn to a close. In its place, a strategic and structural approach has taken hold, prioritizing resilience and stability over short-term capital injections.
According to the outcomes of the Politburo meeting, the policy orientation will continue to target specific sectors. Financial support will be directed away from the property market and toward high-tech emerging industries such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors. In the real estate sector, the objective remains stabilizing market confidence and keeping debt risks under control.
Infrastructure investment is likewise being reshaped around the concept of “new infrastructure.” The focus is no longer solely on concrete and physical structures; smart power grids, information technology networks, and data infrastructure have taken precedence.
This approach signifies an investment in future competitiveness rather than simply pumping capital into the economy’s more stagnant sectors. Serving as a new driver of growth, digital infrastructure fulfills a dual purpose: supporting domestic demand in the short term while safeguarding technological competitiveness over the long term.
Finally, Beijing is signaling a more conciliatory posture in international trade. The Chinese leadership aims to establish a more balanced trade framework to mitigate concerns voiced by trade partners such as the European Union over what has been termed “China Shock 2.0.”
As the administration prepares for critical leadership changes next year, its primary focus will remain on stability across both economic and social spheres.
China continues to strike a balance between realistic growth targets and systemic restructuring, maintaining policy leeway to absorb potential external shocks. Beijing’s economic strategy reflects a pragmatic assessment of both domestic and international challenges.
Struggling with weak demand, the domestic economy is not yet in a position to anchor national growth independently. Expansion continues to rely heavily on a record trade surplus alongside the impressive export performance of high-tech and clean energy sectors. However, this reliance has drawn pushback from several trading partners.
To stimulate domestic economic activity and ease trade tensions, Beijing unveiled its first standalone five-year plan focused on consumption. Released in July by the National Development and Reform Commission and the Ministry of Commerce, the plan targets an increase in retail sales to 60 trillion yuan (approximately $8.9 trillion) by 2030. This represents an increase of roughly 20% compared to 2025 levels.
To improve profit margins for small businesses, regulatory authorities are tackling the issue of “involution”—described as excessive internal competition—by curbing platform monopolies and preventing destructive price wars. While these structural adjustments may take longer to yield results, they are viewed as a more sustainable and effective alternative to direct cash handouts.
Asia
Chinese chipmaker profits surge 2,500% on explosive AI computing demand
Major Chinese microchip manufacturers saw their profits surge by 2,579.5% in the first half of 2026, driven by unprecedented demand for artificial intelligence and computing capacity.
Data from China’s National Bureau of Statistics, cited by the South China Morning Post (SCMP), underscored the industry’s sharp upward trajectory.
Yu Weining, senior statistician at China’s National Bureau of Statistics, explained that this surge is directly connected to the accelerating integration of artificial intelligence across various sectors.
Yu noted that this process has increased the need for computing capacity. The demand for computational processes also lifted profits across the entire electronics industry by 97% year-on-year.
Profits of major Chinese industrial enterprises with an annual revenue exceeding 20 million yuan ($2.9 million) rose 18.7% in the first six months of the year, reaching 4 trillion yuan.
In the first half of 2025, before the global data center construction process had begun, industrial profits had dropped by 1.8% to 3.4 trillion yuan, while profit growth in the electronics sector remained at 3.5%.
The SCMP reported that the global AI boom has generated explosive demand for high-performance computing systems and memory chips, causing a structural pivot in China’s industrial landscape.
Data showed that integrated circuit production in the first half of the year grew by 23% year-on-year to reach approximately 280 billion units.
This figure means that the country produced an average of more than 1.5 billion chips per day.
The profit growth is also corroborated by forecasts from China’s leading chipmakers. Shenzhen Longsys Electronics, one of the largest memory module manufacturers, expects its profits to increase by more than 600-fold in the first half of the year.
Flash memory maker GigaDevice projects that its net profit will surge by approximately 1,099% year-on-year due to supply shortages and rising product prices.
Chinese companies in the AI chip segment are also demonstrating strong profit growth, albeit at a more moderate pace compared to the memory market.
Hygon Information Technology, which develops central processing units and computing units for artificial intelligence, projects that its profits will rise by up to 52.3%.
CXMT hits record high on Shanghai Stock Exchange
Shares of Chinese chipmaker CXMT gained more than 500% on their first day of trading on the Shanghai Stock Exchange on July 27, jumping from 8.66 yuan to 55 yuan.
As a result of this sharp surge in its shares, CXMT’s market valuation reached 3.65 trillion yuan ($539 billion), making the company China’s most valuable publicly traded firm.
At the peak of the rally—even though quoted prices underwent a slight correction toward the close of the trading day—CXMT surpassed Tencent, which was trading on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange with a market capitalization of $514 billion.
Asia
Massive student movement over exam leaks forces resignation of India’s education minister
Indian public examination reform proposals follow education minister’s resignation after nationwide youth protests
India’s federal government introduced legislation in parliament on Monday to amend the law governing public examinations, days after the “Cockroach” movement forced the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan following nationwide youth protests.
The bill incorporates enhanced sanctions, including longer prison sentences and higher fines for those found responsible for exam leaks and irregularities.
The demonstrations are widely viewed as the most significant youth-led challenge faced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi since he took office in 2014.
What triggered the protests?
Nearly 2 million students took the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), an undergraduate medical entrance examination, in May. The federal National Testing Agency cancelled the exam on May 12 following allegations that question papers had been leaked. The examination was re-administered on June 21.
Young people took to the streets to protest against examination fraud, youth unemployment, and a perceived lack of future prospects.
According to a BBC report, the unemployment rate among university and college graduates aged 15 to 25 in the country stands at a critically high level of 40%. The addition of corruption in public examinations to existing economic strain broke the patience of the youth.
Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the Cockroach Public Party (CJP) movement, led the protests.
The movement derived its name from remarks made in May by Supreme Court Judge Surya Kant, who used the terms “cockroach” and “parasite” in a derogatory reference to unemployed youth and protesters. Young demonstrators adopted the insult as a symbol and named their movement after it.
How the movement unfolded
Young protesters organized street demonstrations demanding the resignation of Education Minister Pradhan. Dipke, who initiated the movement in New Delhi, subsequently organized protests in other parts of the country.
Sonam Wangchuk, one of the protesters, began a hunger strike at the demonstration site in support of the movement. As his physical condition deteriorated, authorities forcibly transferred him to a hospital.
The reaction to Wangchuk’s forcible removal from the protest site caused crowds at the venue to expand rapidly.
Tens of thousands of protesters faced tear gas and baton charges by police while attempting to march on parliament. Some demonstrators engaged in clashes with law enforcement officers.
CJP leaders held talks with ministers from the Modi government, who requested time to evaluate the protesters’ demands internally.
Modi called for unity among lawmakers in the ruling coalition to implement strict measures against exam paper leaks, punish those responsible, and establish a secure, leak-proof system.
Opposition representatives led by Rahul Gandhi staged a sit-in at the entrance of Modi’s official residence demanding Pradhan’s resignation. They were briefly detained by police before being released.
Opposition lawmakers supporting the student protesters disrupted proceedings in parliament. Demonstrations expanded to other regions of the country, including the financial hub of Mumbai.
In his first direct statement regarding the protests, published in a post on X, Modi announced that special courts would be established to prosecute individuals involved in exam paper leaks. Protesters rejected the proposal.
Movement leaders held a second round of talks with the government after Wangchuk ended his 26-day hunger strike.
Following those discussions, the government requested time until the afternoon of the following day to respond to the demand for Pradhan’s resignation.
Education Minister Pradhan subsequently announced his resignation, stating that he was stepping down in light of the situation at the protest site and across the country, as well as to prevent “external forces” from exploiting the environment.
On July 26, Modi announced the creation of a task force headed by technology entrepreneur Nandan Nilekani to overhaul the country’s examination system.
On Monday, July 27, the government presented a bill to parliament proposing amendments to the law governing public examinations. The legislation introduces stiffer penalties for offenders, including extended prison terms and increased monetary fines.
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