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Reviewing the Halfway Progress of the Trump Administration’s Trade War

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On July 31, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung confirmed that a trade agreement had been reached with the United States. U.S. tariffs on Korean automobiles will be reduced to 15%, and Korea will not further open its rice and beef markets to the U.S., but it has pledged to invest $350 billion in U.S.-controlled investment projects.

On the same day, the Trump administration agreed to extend the tariff agreement with Mexico for 90 days. Meanwhile, it threatened to impose a 25% tariff on India starting August 1 and announced it would not extend the final deadline for negotiations with other trade partners. Although the U.S. has not yet reached new agreements with major trading partners such as Mexico, Canada, India, and China, the trade war—considered epic in scale—can be said to be halfway through, with the Trump administration appearing to have won a superficial victory. However, there remain many uncertainties in the subsequent implementation.

Three rounds of the China-U.S. trade war have concluded without a final solution. On July 29, China and the U.S. concluded their third round of talks in Sweden. China’s Ministry of Commerce representative and Vice Minister Li Chenggang announced that, after a day and a half of negotiations, the trade teams from both countries had in-depth, candid, and constructive exchanges on major issues of mutual concern, based on the consensus reached during the June 5 call between the two heads of state. Li also emphasized that both sides would continue to promote the timely extension of the mutually suspended 24% tariffs and China’s countermeasures. The China-U.S. economic and trade teams will maintain close communication to promptly exchange views on trade issues and continue to promote stable and healthy development of bilateral trade relations.

On May 12, China and the U.S. held the first round of talks in Geneva and achieved a major initial result of “mutual tariff cancellation”: the U.S. promised to cancel 91% of the tariffs imposed under two executive orders on April 8 and 9; China reciprocated with a 91% cancellation; both sides agreed to suspend the 24% tariff for 90 days, retaining only 10% tariffs. This result provided a much-needed cooling down of the China-U.S. trade war that had flared up when Trump returned to office.

On June 12, the two sides completed the second round of talks in London, but no specific content was disclosed. The media only emphasized that the two sides had reached a consensus in principle on measures to implement the consensus of the leaders’ phone call and consolidate the results of the Geneva trade talks. The third round of talks held in Stockholm also did not yield any substantive breakthroughs, and both sides remain in a stage of bargaining and haggling.

While China-U.S. trade negotiations are moving forward with difficulty, the Trump administration has successfully broken through three major trade negotiation barriers within ten days, particularly reaching agreements with the EU and Japan, which can be considered symbolic victories. This has also created new pressure for China and other trading partners who have yet to compromise.
On July 28, the U.S. and the EU announced a comprehensive new trade agreement with a baseline tariff rate of 15%, covering key goods such as automobiles, semiconductors, and pharmaceuticals. The EU pledged to purchase $750 billion worth of energy products from the U.S. and added a $600 billion investment plan. This agreement marks a major compromise from the EU.

Previously, on July 23, the U.S. had reached a similar agreement with Japan, stipulating a uniform 15% tariff on most Japanese goods exported to the U.S., and Japan committed to a $550 billion investment in the U.S.

Although the U.S.-EU and U.S.-Japan tariff battles appear to involve mutual compromise, the U.S. has clearly benefited. For the EU, the 15% rate is significantly higher than the previous average of 4.8%, but lower than the punitive 30% the U.S. had threatened or the briefly implemented 20% rate. This “comprehensive uniform tariff” applies to most EU-manufactured goods, including automobiles that previously faced tariffs as high as 27.5%. For key sectors like pharmaceuticals, the U.S. also agreed to rates below 15% and retained the option for future interventions.

For Japan, although the 15% baseline tariff rate is slightly higher than the previously briefly implemented 10%, it is far lower than the 25% proposed by the U.S. before July. This tariff rate stabilizes Japan’s core automobile industry, which accounts for about one-fourth of its exports to the U.S., and has strategic significance for consolidating Japan’s manufacturing, especially the production and export of automobiles and auto parts.

The U.S. has obtained massive import or investment commitments from Europe and Japan. The EU has pledged to purchase over $750 billion in energy products from the U.S. in the coming years, mainly including liquefied natural gas, oil, and nuclear fuel. In addition, the EU has committed to an extra $600 billion investment in the U.S., covering infrastructure, energy system integration, and key industrial chain restructuring. Notably, the EU will also expand its military procurement from the U.S.

Japan has committed to a $550 billion investment plan in the U.S., covering sectors such as manufacturing, automotive supply chain expansion, infrastructure, and high-tech cooperation. In the automobile sector, Japan is accelerating localized production capacity in the U.S. to stabilize its strategic access to the American market.

The U.S. has further opened up the European and Japanese markets. Although the U.S.-EU agreement establishes a unified baseline tariff rate, several “zero-for-zero” exception lists were set, including aircraft and parts, semiconductor equipment, key raw materials, certain agricultural products, and specific chemicals.

Japan will also further open its market, especially for U.S. automobiles, rice, and certain agricultural products. This move responds to Trump’s longstanding complaint that “American products can’t enter the Japanese market.” Although Japan has not reduced tariffs on U.S. goods in this round of negotiations, by adjusting non-tariff barriers and loosening import quotas, it has in effect provided greater market access for U.S. goods. At the same time, Japan has retained regulatory authority over sensitive domestic industries, seeking policy flexibility within its concessions.

In 2024, the top ten U.S. trade partners by total trade volume are: Mexico, Canada, China, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan (China), Vietnam, the United Kingdom, and India. Before securing Japan, the EU, and South Korea, the U.S. had already handled the UK, Vietnam, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Considering that EU members such as the Netherlands, Ireland, Switzerland, Italy, and France are the 11th to 15th U.S. trade partners, the Trump administration’s trade war has already conquered half the battlefield. Only four tough “bones” remain: Mexico, Canada, India, and China.

Some therefore judge that “Trump has won big,” especially with his trade victories over the EU and Japan. However, legally speaking, the U.S.-EU trade agreement still needs approval from the legislative bodies of the 27 EU member states. So whether this agreement can allow the Trump administration to laugh to the end is still uncertain.

First, almost the entire political and public sphere in Europe is criticizing the new U.S.-EU agreement, especially in France and Germany. French Prime Minister Bérou called the 27th a “dark day” for Europe; far-right leader Le Pen said the EU had suffered a “political, economic, and moral defeat,” signing a “surrender document”; far-left leader Mélenchon called it a “total concession to Trump”; former PM de Villepin said the agreement was “unequal” and likened it to “tribute.” French officials in charge of industry and trade called the trade “unbalanced” and demanded a new round of negotiations. Germany’s Export Association said the deal poses a “survival threat” to many German traders; the Federation of German Industries criticized the EU for making “asymmetrical compromises.”

In addition, the Swedish finance minister accused the new U.S.-EU agreement of harming Sweden’s economy. Spain’s El País said the agreement reinforced U.S.-EU tariff inequality. Hungarian PM Orbán even mocked that Trump “ate EU Commission President von der Leyen for breakfast.” The European Parliament’s trade committee chair Bernd Lange slammed the deal as a “biased” transaction…

On the 28th, the European Commission issued a document stressing that the “handshake deal” between Trump and von der Leyen has no legal effect. The U.S. and EU have not finalized a formal agreement, especially around key points of divergence such as food standards, digital regulations, energy, investment, and steel and aluminum tariffs.

Although the opposition in Japan is not as fierce as in Europe, public opinion has still criticized the Ishiba government for sacrificing the rice bowl to protect the car wheel. Most benefits from the investment in the U.S. are seen to favor the American side. The latest poll by Kyodo News shows that about 78% of the public is dissatisfied with the agreement, with only 11% expressing support. Analysts believe the new U.S.-Japan agreement not only damages Ishiba’s political prestige and the LDP’s ruling foundation but also reminds Japanese society of the long nightmare triggered by the signing of the U.S.-Japan “Plaza Accord”—namely, Japan’s lost decade of growth.

Secondly, the implementation of U.S. terms may also be constrained by domestic political and legal challenges. The U.S. Federal Court of Appeals is about to hear a lawsuit concerning the legality of Trump’s taxation powers, and its ruling may shake the legal foundation of Trump’s foreign trade agreements. The U.S.-EU agreement fails to clarify the tariff treatment of American goods exported to Europe, showing that serious asymmetry still exists. The U.S.-Japan agreement has left the American auto industry dissatisfied, believing that it has not substantially improved the U.S. trade deficit with Japan, and the long-standing structural industrial contradictions between the U.S. and Japan remain unresolved.

Thirdly, although Europe and Japan have increased their investment in the U.S., reshoring of U.S. manufacturing faces structural bottlenecks. The Trump administration is vigorously promoting direct investment in the U.S. by Europe, Japan, and other allies—especially in key sectors like semiconductors, automobiles, batteries, and clean energy—to accelerate manufacturing reshoring and restructure the supply chain. However, in practical terms, this strategy faces structural bottlenecks in many aspects such as talent, culture, and regulatory systems, making it difficult to absorb the systemic costs of converting investments in the short term. The most fundamental constraint is the severe shortage of skilled labor in U.S. manufacturing. The gap in engineers and technicians directly limits the implementation of production lines. Cultural differences further intensify friction. The highly efficient execution systems of multinational companies are not suited to the loosely decentralized American management style, creating structural bottlenecks from construction to operation and weakening overall investment returns.

In summary, countries such as Canada, Mexico, and India will face increasing pressure from the U.S. and be forced to fight alone in confronting America’s all-around hegemonic coercion. The outlook for China-U.S. trade negotiations is also not optimistic and is bound to face difficulties arising from the U.S. shift from “comprehensive attack” to “focused attack,” including the Trump administration’s return to the full-pressure tactics of its version 1.0 era.

This week, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) plans to issue a travel health advisory to China due to a rise in “chikungunya virus cases” in China. At the same time, the Republican-controlled U.S. House and Senate announced that a congressional delegation would visit Taiwan in August. This comes right after the Trump administration refused the Taiwan regional leader’s transit passage, a maneuver reflecting both duplicity and inconsistency in U.S. Taiwan policy. It also sends an implicit warning to China: if it doesn’t make concessions at the trade negotiating table, the U.S. will open its geopolitical “Pandora’s box” and unleash a full array of tactics to disrupt China.

From a global and strategic perspective, China-U.S. relations—especially trade relations—are “too big to fail” and serve as the core links of the global industrial, trade, and value chains. China-U.S. trade volume is enormous, with high interdependence, strong economic complementarity, and significant structural differences. With many friction points, deep policy gaps, and strong competitiveness, the China-U.S. trade negotiations are bound to become the biggest, most difficult, and ultimately decisive battleground.

China remains the largest source of goods for the U.S., the biggest market for multinational investment and profits, and the largest consumer market for agricultural products. China not only possesses a vast domestic circulation market, but also retains tremendous external circulation potential. It also has multiple leverage points in its games with the U.S., Europe, and Japan. As the Trump administration secures agreements with other trade partners, it is likely to gain confidence and raise its demands, even using trade negotiations and geopolitical tools alternately or simultaneously to pressure China into making major concessions.

Given these trends, China must maintain strategic clarity, confidence, composure, endurance, and resilience. It must engage with the Trump administration using great wisdom, flexible strategies, and a combination of tactics—negotiating persistently, fighting without breaking ties—in order to ultimately defeat the Trump administration’s blind self-confidence, empty rhetoric, and excessive demands, and force it to recognize reality and accept a relatively fair and balanced bilateral trade agreement, achieving a truly win-win China-U.S. outcome.

Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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