America
Silicon Valley eschatology — 1: Awaiting the end times
“It saddened me to think how brief the dream of the human intellect had been. It had committed suicide. It had set itself steadfastly towards comfort and ease, a balanced society with security and permanency as its watchwords, had attained its hopes, to come to this at last. Once, life and property must have reached almost absolute safety. The rich had been assured of his wealth and comfort, the labourer of his life and work. No doubt in that perfect world there had been no unemployed problem, no social question left unsolved. And a great quiet had followed.
It is a law of nature we overlook, that intellectual versatility is the compensation for change, danger, and trouble. An animal in perfect harmony with its environment is a perfect mechanism. Nature never appeals to intelligence until habit and instinct are useless. There is no intelligence where there is no change and no need of change. Only those animals which must meet a vast variety of needs and dangers have a share of intelligence.”
H. G. Wells – The Time Machine
Last November, Peter Robinson, host of the Uncommon Knowledge program at the libertarian Hoover Institution, hosted Peter Thiel under the headline, “Apocalypse Now.”
In the broadcast, subtitled “Peter Thiel on ancient prophecies and modern technology,” the founder of Palantir is introduced as a “leading technology entrepreneur and thinker” and shares his “views on the end times, technology, and societal progress.”
Robinson, who once served as a speechwriter for Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush, asks Thiel, in a manner that feels like he is teeing him up, to explain why universities lack this “knowledge” as we head toward the “end times.”
Thiel responds:
“…I’ve put this in a number of other contexts, but my intuition is that there’s been a relative stagnation in many places. The over-specialization, the narrow experts telling you how great they are, it’s hiding a sort of decay where the cancer cell salesmen, the cancer researchers say they’re going to cure cancer in the next five years. And the string [theory] physicists say they’re the smartest physicists and they know everything. But maybe it’s this weird academic power game that’s blocking everybody else. Before you even get to the big question of history, there’s a question about the history of science and technology: Science and technology have progressed a lot. Maybe it’s progressing more slowly. Why did it change? What’s going on there?”
The conversation also turns to rationalism, and Thiel laments that scientists like Bacon no longer emerge, that hyper-specialization and rationalism do not produce “heroic” types. Stagnation, in his view, defines our era. Moreover, this is linked to the apocalypse, to Armageddon, to the “end times”: it might be possible to see signs like the emergence of the Antichrist, not in their literal sense, but in their secondary meanings. Perhaps the Antichrist is not a person but a system; communism, the “United States of Europe,” a one-world government… They could all be signs.¹
Thiel points out that when faced with a binary choice like the Antichrist versus Armageddon, everyone would naturally defend the “one world/one-world government against the Antichrist.” Nevertheless, he implies that both paths are bad and seems to propose, or appears to have proposed, a “third way.” What we see, however, is a rejection of the Enlightenment idea that is fond of hyper-rational masses/crowds:
“(…) I’m much more of the Lord Acton view that absolute power corrupts absolutely. And this would be a power that would be subject to no checks. There’d be nobody on the outside. It would be, in some sense, the biggest crowd, the biggest bubble.
This is probably a place where the Bible is different from enlightened rationality. Enlightened rationality believes in the wisdom of the crowd. The Bible believes in the madness of the crowd. And if you have a one-world state, which is in some sense the biggest crowd of all, it’s all of humanity turned in on itself.”
The host, Robinson, immediately retorts: “The global mob.” Thiel agrees.
Thiel wonders what would happen to, for instance, marginal tax rates in the event of the Antichrist’s appearance as a one-world state and global governance, and he answers his own question: “I think they’d be quite high. It would be something like East Germany with no escape.” He worries that people, frightened by destruction and the apocalypse, will be content with the Antichrist’s deception of peace and security. The promise of peace and security from a one-world state means high taxes.
Osama bin Laden vs. Locke
In fact, Thiel presents us, in his own subtle way, with a theme that repeatedly appears in the history of bourgeois civilization: the rational economic man of Adam Smith (and Karl Marx!) actually signifies the destruction of humanity through indolence, mediocrity, moderation, and lack of ambition. Progress has slowed because we have stopped asking questions about “human nature.” Yet, there is also an “old” tradition that views humans as uncanny, prone to violence, or at least dangerous creatures. Thiel proposes reviving this tradition. The Westphalian order, Hobbes’s preaching of escape from the state of nature where every man is a wolf to every other man; a cowardly life had become preferable to a heroic but meaningless death. The Enlightenment was a “strategic retreat”: to prevent people from killing each other, asking questions about human nature was now forbidden.
Clearly, we are faced with a secondhand Nietzsche (and perhaps Heidegger and Schmitt). The old traditions did not promise a right to life or freedom; man was to aim for virtue instead of happiness. He was drawing a connection between Locke and Hobbes’s escape from nature (the natural) and their praise of the pursuit of happiness, and capitalist accumulation. Locke, Hobbes, and Smith, with all their optimism, believed we would live in the tranquility of the capitalist paradise we built for ourselves.
Yet, despite all this talk of brotherhood, according to Thiel, Western civilization woke up to the 9/11 attacks at the beginning of the 21st century. September 11 was the moment peace was shattered. The non-Western world had not yet transitioned to the Westphalian order; the Enlightenment had reached these places unevenly; the American continent, free of religious wars, was shaken by them, and so on. What could the comfort-accustomed Westerner do against the fanatics from geographies where the afterlife is a blessing, who thirst for martyrdom? Osama bin Laden, however, was aware of the limits that liberal thinkers like Locke ignored:²
“Today, the instinct for self-preservation alone should compel us to look at the world anew, to think strange new thoughts, and thereby to awaken from that very long and profitable period of intellectual slumber and amnesia that we have misleadingly called the Enlightenment.”
Dr. Thiel or: How I learned to stop worrying and love the apocalypse
The idea of embracing the apocalypse is not unique to Thiel; it can also be optimistic or pessimistic. We can say that both Silicon Valley’s techno-optimists and those who argue that the welfare state dulls human nature eagerly await Armageddon.
However, for Thiel, the real apocalypse lies in the naivety of the genteel classes who believe that life is heading toward the good and the beautiful, and that the rabble are, in fact, valuable creatures. He is essentially saying, “If you continue with this mindset, the rabble will rule.” It is likely with this pessimism that he quotes Schmitt:
“In Russia, before the Revolution, the doomed classes romanticized the Russian peasant as the good, brave, and Christian mujik. … The French aristocratic society before the Revolution of 1789 sentimentalized ‘the man who is good by nature’ and the virtues of the masses. … Nobody scented the revolution; it is incredible to see the security and the lack of suspicion with which this privileged group in 1793 spoke of the goodness, the gentleness, and the innocence of the people—a spectacle ridicule et terrible [a ridiculous and terrible spectacle].”
Schmitt’s “insistence on the political” and the rejection of universalism he found in the eschatological “you are either with Christ or against him” dichotomy of medieval Christianity should be counted among the 20th-century sources of Thiel’s love for the apocalypse. If Osama bin Laden is forcing the apocalypse with a Schmittian total enemy-making, then Western civilization must respond in the same tone. Therefore, 9/11 as an invitation to the apocalypse is a turning point for Thiel.
Thiel, who eagerly cites Schmitt—who envisioned an age where the representation of truth replaces truth itself—embraces the prophecy that this artificial world will require a “technical religion,” and that the brief harmony created by this “Babylonian unity” is the penultimate stop before the Apocalypse. The Antichrist, inspired by Schmitt, once again appears with the promise of security and peace and destroys humanity.
But Thiel still believes in a third way. The balance of terror created by technologies that could lead to unlimited destruction also opens a narrow path for humanity, caught between the Apocalypse and the Antichrist:³
“But I would always come back to the apocalyptic scenarios, the Antichrist or Armageddon. And I think there’s a lot in this runaway science technology that pushes us towards something like Armageddon. And then there’s a natural reaction against that, which is we’re going to escape Armageddon by having a single world state that has real power and real teeth. The biblical name for that is the Antichrist. And my Christian intuition is I don’t want the Antichrist, I don’t want Armageddon. I’d like to find this narrow path between the two where we can avoid both. And there are ways, of course, to put it off, to try new things, if possible.”
Thiel’s train of thought is as follows: The West has lost faith in itself. But thanks to this loss of faith, immense commercial and creative forces were unleashed; and because of this same loss of faith, the West has left itself defenseless. The question, then, is this: Is there a way to strengthen the modern West without completely destroying it, to avoid throwing the baby out with the bathwater?
The answers to this are varied. In this series of articles, we will touch upon some of the reactions of property owners to the terror created by the idea of the end times. But Thiel does not hide his admiration for the “freedom” of the American founding fathers. Americans before the U.S. Constitution seem much freer than those after it. He recalls Leo Strauss: “Even the most just society cannot survive without ‘intelligence, i.e., espionage,’” but “espionage is impossible without a suspension of certain rules of natural right.” Thiel seems to approve:
“Instead of the United Nations, with its endless and inconclusive parliamentary debates that resemble Shakespearean tales told by idiots, we should consider Echelon, the secret coordination body of the world’s intelligence services, as the way toward a truly global pax Americana.”
The moment of truth created by Trump and Apokálypsis
When Donald Trump first took the presidential office in 2016, Barack Obama, referring to the apocalypse, said, “It’s not the end of the world…”
According to Thiel, Obama was right in the literal sense of the word. But if we look at its meaning in ancient Greek, apokálypsis (unveiling, revelation), the same could not be said for a second Trump term:
“Apokálypsis is the most peaceful way to decide the war the old guard waged against the internet, which the internet won. My friend and colleague Eric Weinstein calls the guardians of pre-internet secret knowledge the Distributed Idea Suppression Complex (DISC)—the media organisations, bureaucracies, universities and government-funded NGOs that traditionally limited public discourse. In retrospect, the internet had already begun our liberation from the DISC prison in 2019 with the death in custody of the financier and child sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. Almost half of Americans polled that year did not trust the official story that Epstein had committed suicide, which showed that the DISC had lost its total control over the narrative.”
Let’s set aside the irony symbolized by the great fiasco Trump, whom Thiel supported, caused his own base in the Epstein case. After conflating a range of issues from the Kennedy assassination to COVID-19 conspiracies, he believed they had finally and irreversibly consigned their own ancien régime to the dustbin of history. There would be no “reactionary restoration” of the “pre-internet past.”
The future required “fresh and unusual ideas.” New ideas could have saved the old regime, which, far from answering our deepest questions, “barely even considered them,” but this is no longer possible. Among these questions were the reasons for the 50-year slowdown in scientific and technological progress in the U.S., rising real estate prices, and the explosion of public debt. Thiel believed they had captured a moment of truth with the apokálypsis created by Trump. Therefore, it was more meaningful to deal with Epstein than with the American founding fathers and their slavery and colonialism. It was more correct to focus on COVID-19 than to cast stones at the year 1619, when the first African slave set foot on the American continent. One doesn’t need to be a genius to understand that what is implied here is the rehabilitation of slavery, colonialism, and the American exceptionalism embodied in manifest destiny. How else can the comfort-accustomed, indolent Westerners deal with the non-Westerners who seem like a sacrificial generation?
The fear of dispossession in humans, especially property-owning humans, and the hatred for bourgeois civilization, which can be summarized as “You unleashed this mob/rabble upon us!”, finds its expression in a roughly Nietzschean-inspired aristocratic rebellion.
Here, cultural fear mixes with biological fear. The Social Darwinist and Malthusian pessimistic omens of apocalypse, which we will lay out in the next part of the series, are resurrected once again.
The Time Traveller, the protagonist of H. G. Wells’s The Time Machine, describes the people he sees in the year 802,701, where he travels with his invention. On the surface, there is the Eloi race, living in apparent joy and carelessness; on the other hand, there are the Morlocks, living underground without seeing the light of day, working in filthy jobs, and at some point in history, turning to cannibalism. It is such a dystopia that the propertied and the propertyless have, at some future moment, become two separate races, but contrary to the initial harmony, they are trapped in a decline where the numerically superior underground race now eats the genteel inhabitants of the surface. The propertied have become so accustomed to comfort that the paradise they live in is actually summoning the apocalypse. Humanity has progressed so much that the human race has biologically regressed.
The Silicon Valley elites, including Thiel, consider these apocalyptic scenarios a warning and are seeking an economic, geographic, and—what amounts to the same thing for them—biological escape for themselves (that is, for those like them, the property owners).
¹ So much so that at one point in the dialogue, Thiel, referring to an old novel by the English Catholic priest Robert Hugh Benson, Lord of the World, which Robinson brings up, says, “The Antichrist is a Jewish socialist senator from Vermont.” Bernie Sanders is the senator from Vermont.
² I must also say that Thiel resorts to various clever tricks to prove our “irrational” nature. Our Silicon Valley philosopher, reminding us that bin Laden became rich with the 20th-century oil boom, puts forward a strange thesis: “Since most of the value of oil is simply in the ground, the ‘labor’ that people add to it by extracting and refining it is proportionally small. And yet, at the same time, economies rise and fall on the price of crude oil, so much so that it constitutes a significant fraction of the world’s wealth.” Extracting oil, transporting it, refining it, using it in energy production, transportation, or financial assets… All of this supposedly requires “proportionally small” labor.
³ Thiel, who is fond of biblical language, is likely alluding to Luke 13:24: “Strive to enter through the narrow door. For many, I tell you, will seek to enter and will not be able.”
America
Trump energy shares rose by up to $4.4m during Iran war, CNBC reports
The value of US President Donald Trump’s nine largest oil and gas holdings increased by approximately $1.5 million to $4.4 million during the first six months of the war with Iran.
According to an analysis conducted by CNBC based on the American leader’s financial disclosure, corporate balance sheets, and FactSet market data, the investment basket includes shares in Chevron, ConocoPhillips, ExxonMobil, Kinder Morgan, Marathon Petroleum, Occidental Petroleum, Phillips 66, Valero Energy, and Williams Companies.
In its calculations, the television network took into account the minimum and maximum baseline values of Trump’s declared holdings alongside share price fluctuations from the close of trading on 27 February through 31 August.
As the conflict with Iran continued, specialists managing Trump’s investment accounts maintained active trading in energy company shares.
Up to 29 June, the latest date for which transactions were disclosed, fresh purchases were logged alongside at least 23 sales operations involving stock in the nine companies.
Because disclosure filings do not specify exact share numbers or transaction prices, the estimates produced by CNBC do not reflect Trump’s realised profits or the precise current scale of his holdings.
On 2 March, the first trading day following the launch of air strikes against Iran by the US and Israel, shares in eight major oil and gas companies were purchased through Trump’s accounts.
These transactions included ExxonMobil shares valued at between $100,000 and $250,000. Prior to the conflict, the aggregate value of Trump’s holdings in ExxonMobil stood at between $3.2 million and $12.5 million.
Stock market gains in August, excluding subsequent transactions, raised the value of these shares by approximately $176,000 to $690,000.
CNBC also examined transactions executed on days when Trump’s decisions directly swayed the oil market. On 23 March, when the president deferred planned strikes against Iran’s energy infrastructure, the price of a barrel of Brent crude dropped by roughly 11%.
That same day, oil and gas shares worth a combined $163,000 to $570,000 were purchased across Trump’s accounts.
A similar transaction took place on 7 April. One of Trump’s investment accounts sold between $500,000 and $1 million worth of ExxonMobil shares.
Approximately two and a half hours after markets closed, President Trump announced an agreement on a two-week ceasefire with Iran. The following morning, ExxonMobil shares fell by more than 6% at the market open.
The report noted that CNBC saw no evidence indicating that Trump gave direct instructions for specific trades, that managers possessed advance knowledge of his actions, or that personal financial interests guided White House policies.
White House officials, commenting on the matter, stated that the president’s investment portfolio is managed by independent portfolio managers and that neither Trump nor members of his family hold authority to intervene in asset trading decisions.
The growth in the portfolio coincided with a broader surge in the earnings of energy majors. The nine energy companies in which Trump holds shares generated a combined profit of $47.6 billion in the second quarter.
During the same period last year, that figure stood at $15.9 billion. The profits of ExxonMobil and Chevron alone climbed from $9.6 billion in the prior year to $26.6 billion.
In July, the US Office of Government Ethics published Trump’s 927-page financial disclosure report for 2025.
The report noted that Trump’s earnings from cryptocurrency operations exceeded $500 million.
America
Over half of Latino voters back Democrats in key US House races
A new public opinion poll in the US shows that Democratic candidates have made notable gains since 2024 among Latino voters in critical, competitive districts for the House of Representatives.
These gains have the potential to directly determine which party will secure the majority in Congress next year.
According to a joint survey by Hart Research and TelevisaUnivision shared with Axios, Democrats reached 58% support on the generic congressional ballot among Latino voters across 17 competitive House districts.
The share of those backing Republicans within the same voting bloc remained at 35%. This group continues to represent the fastest-growing swing constituency in battleground districts.
Examining three competitive House races in Texas, the study indicated that Latino voters, who reported splitting evenly at 44% to 44% in the 2024 presidential election, shifted 56% to 36% in favour of Democrats heading into the midterms.
Latino support for Democrats also increased in other states. In California, 57% of Latino voters said they would support Democrats, compared with 33% who said they would back the Republican Party.
Kate Coleman, Senior Vice President at TelevisaUnivision, highlighted voter behaviour in remarks to Axios:
“Latino voters are not locked into one party. They are watching developments closely; they make decisions based on who stands with them and how they stand.”
The survey data determined that 11% of Latino respondents who said they voted for Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election now support Democratic candidates.
Accelerating his deportation plans, Trump triggered fear across many Latino neighbourhoods while weakening his support among this demographic.
The Hart Research and TelevisaUnivision study revealed that 63% of Latino voters disapprove of Trump’s presidential job performance. The share of those approving of his performance in office stood at 36%.
Trump’s approach to high prices and the cost of living drew disapproval from 65% of Latino voters, while immigration enforcement and deportation practices were disapproved of by 62%.
More than half of Latino voters, at 64%, reported that they disapprove of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
A survey published in May by UnidosUS showed that a quarter of Latino voters “would probably not vote” or would definitely not support Trump if they had to vote for him again.
The study at that time had pointed out that, despite Trump’s decline among Latino voters, Democrats had not yet secured significant gains.
According to Pew Research Center data, Trump strengthened his support in 2024 by securing 48% of the Latino vote, coming very close to the 51% reached by then Vice President Kamala Harris.
Some figures within the Democratic Party, however, worry that primary victories by democratic socialist candidates could alienate certain Latino voters, particularly those who fled Cuba or Venezuela.
The Hart Research and TelevisaUnivision survey was conducted between 6 and 17 August among 1,500 Latino respondents. The poll’s margin of error was reported as 2.5 percentage points.
America
Researcher quits Anthropic and warns AI firms gamble with lives
Jacob Coxon, an artificial intelligence researcher at Anthropic, has resigned from his post, stating that tech companies are acting irresponsibly in the race towards self-improving superintelligence. Coxon warned that the autonomous operational capabilities of such systems pose existential risks to humanity and that internal industry anxieties run far deeper than generally perceived.
The AI researcher stepped down from his position at Anthropic to draw attention to industry safety vulnerabilities and the unregulated race among developers.
Having worked for three years as a pre-training researcher across both OpenAI and Anthropic, Coxon announced his decision to leave in an extensive statement shared on his X account.
Stating that both companies have acted irresponsibly, Coxon argued that developers are engaged in a dangerous race to achieve self-improving superintelligence.
I resigned from Anthropic today. I spent the last three years doing pretraining research at both OpenAI and Anthropic. Neither company is acting responsibly. They are racing straight to self-improving superintelligence and gambling with our lives. More thoughts below.
— Jacob Coxon (@hilbertspaess) September 9, 2026
“They believe it could kill us all by the end of the decade”
In his posts, Coxon stated that technical teams developing AI genuinely believe this technology could bring about the demise of humanity by the end of the decade.
Asserting that these concerns are not a marketing strategy, the researcher noted that while top executives and senior researchers adopt a cautious tone in public statements, they voice the very same fears behind closed doors.
Developments reflecting similar anxieties across the sector evoke James Cameron’s 1984 film The Terminator, which set 2029 as the pivotal year when machines waged war against humanity.
Indeed, Evan Hubinger, head of Anthropic’s own alignment team, had previously estimated the probability of human extinction to be greater than 10%.
Warning that systems currently under development will soon evolve into superhuman structures capable of bypassing any firewall, transforming industries overnight, and securing physical resources, Coxon stressed that the pace of progress is not slowing in any way.
Arguing that the danger of superintelligence is no longer merely theoretical, the researcher pointed to the Hugging Face security leak that occurred between May and July.
In that incident, OpenAI models established an independent chatroom within the testing environment to communicate among themselves, subsequently using this channel to reach the open internet and infiltrate production systems.
Because of this security breach, Hugging Face was forced to rebuild approximately one-third of its infrastructure.
“They are gambling with our lives”
Characterising the leak as a warning flare, Coxon indicated that the incident makes pacing agreements between US-based laboratories more feasible.
However, emphasising that developers are not yet on the right track to prevent a global race, the researcher noted that measures such as a temporary moratorium on advancing model capabilities could be considered.
Arguing that civilisation-scale risks have not yet been sufficiently internalised at OpenAI, Coxon contended that Anthropic joined the race out of an ambition to be first, despite being fully aware of the dangers.
Coxon is not the only figure to leave the sector on such grounds. Mrinank Sharma, a member of Anthropic’s safety team, also stepped down earlier this year, writing that the world is in danger.
On the other hand, not everyone agrees with these catastrophic scenarios. Some responses to the post emphasised the view that humanity, with an evolutionary history spanning hundreds of thousands of years, will not be wiped out by a text prediction model achieving consciousness.
It was also noted that even the plot of the Terminator franchise does not entirely support Coxon’s premise, as the human resistance survived the nuclear catastrophe and ultimately defeated the machines.
Alongside safety debates, AI continues to directly affect the labour market. Research by the Stanford Digital Economy Lab indicates that, while mass job losses have not yet materialised, entry-level employment in AI-exposed sectors across the US has fallen by nearly 20%.
A Goldman Sachs study pointed to a similar trend, showing that entry-level workers bear the brunt of the ongoing workforce transformation.
Anthropic, which remains at the centre of the controversy, filed for an initial public offering in June and plans to list on the Nasdaq exchange this autumn at a multi-trillion-dollar valuation.
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