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Silicon Valley eschatology — 3: With my mighty hand, I shall set you free

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“My longing for the familiar human world was, of course, no match for a simple passion for adventure. I was too much of a homebody to seek out serious dangers or hardships. But I overcame my timidity with the opportunity that fate presented me: to discover not only the depths of the physical universe but also the role that life and mind play among the stars. I was seized not by a desire for adventure, but by a hunger to understand the inner significance of man, or any human-like being in the cosmos. This honest treasure of ours, left behind by this unpretentious modern life and blossoming like spring flowers, spurred me to embark on this strange adventure.”

Olaf Stapledon – Star Maker

“Mine are predictions based on mathematics. I must say that I have reached this judgment without any moral factors. Personally, I am not pleased with this course of events. Even assuming the Empire is poorly governed… the anarchy that will prevail in the wake of its destruction will bring far worse consequences. Indeed, it is that very anarchy that my project aims to combat. The fall of an Empire, gentlemen, is a colossal event, and it is by no means easy to deal with such a thing. A rising bureaucracy, the weakening of social initiative, the ossification of classes, the stifling of scientific curiosity… and a thousand other factors like these will accelerate this collapse.”

Isaac Asimov – Foundation

Mark Zuckerberg first invested in Kauai, the oldest and smallest of Hawaii’s four main islands, in 2014. He purchased 700 acres of land on a quiet stretch of coastline near the small town of Kilauea for approximately $100 million.

For a time, the Meta chief was unable to proceed as he wished due to legal processes arising from the property rights of the native population, but he resolved this issue by finding collaborators. By the spring of 2021, his land had expanded further, with the addition of more than 560 acres of ranch land. Later that year, he added another 110 acres, which included the Kaloko Dam, an earthen dam and reservoir.

Zuckerberg quietly expanded his presence on the island by purchasing a large tract of land. Earlier this year, Zuckerberg purchased 962 acres of prime agricultural land across from his existing property through a Hawaii-based company.

source who spoke to WIRED estimates the value of this land to be over $65 million. With this previously unreported purchase, Zuckerberg’s land holdings in Kauai will increase from approximately 1,400 acres to over 2,300 acres, making him one of the largest landowners in the state.

So, what is Zuckerberg up to on this massive estate? Local residents say that the construction activity on the land is being conducted in great secrecy. While non-disclosure agreements are not unusual for billionaires’ construction projects, the sheer scale of Zuckerberg’s complex has meant that numerous local workers have been forbidden from sharing what they are working on or for whom.

For example, on one agricultural plot, there are two mansions with a total area the size of a football field, a gym, a tennis court, several guest houses, farm operation buildings, a series of disc-shaped treehouses, an elaborate water system, and a tunnel leading to an underground shelter the size of an NBA basketball court, equipped with blast-resistant doors and an escape hatch.

Recent documents also show plans for a new water pump building, in addition to the two existing pump houses and an 18-foot-tall water tank. Satellite images of the property also indicate dozens of buildings that have not yet appeared in public records. WIRED estimates that, based solely on the number of bedrooms in the planning documents it has seen, the property could comfortably accommodate more than 100 people upon completion.

The enthusiasm of the super-rich for building fortified shelters to escape doomsday is not new. In 2017, LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman told The New Yorker in an interview that more than 50% of Silicon Valley billionaires had purchased some form of “apocalypse insurance,” such as a shelter in the U.S. or abroad, “to escape disaster and collapse.”(1)

For instance, New Zealand, seen by some as the ideal place to await the apocalypse, is filled with the bunkers of the tech-wealthy. There is even an agreement, first disclosed to The New Yorker, between OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and Peter Thiel: in the event of an “apocalyptic event” (like a pandemic!), the pair would fly by jet to one of Thiel’s properties in New Zealand. Thiel, who revealed the matter to reporter Tad Friend, said: “Sam is not exactly a religious person, but he is very culturally Jewish: an optimist but a survivalist, someone who believes that everything can go wrong at any moment and that there is no single place in the world where you can feel completely at home.”

Altman, however, seems much more prepared while waiting for the end times. In the same article, he states:

“Well, I love race cars. I have five, including two McLarens and an old Tesla. I like to fly rental planes all over California. Oh, and I have one weird one: I prep for survival. My problem is that when my friends get drunk, they talk about how the world will end. Five years ago, a lab in the Netherlands modified the H5N1 bird flu virus to make it super contagious. So, the probability of a lethal synthetic virus emerging in the next twenty years is no longer zero. The other most popular scenarios are A.I. attacking us and countries going to nuclear war over scarce resources. I try not to think about it too much. But I have guns, gold, potassium iodide, antibiotics, batteries, gas masks from the Israeli Defense Forces, and a big patch of land in Big Sur I can fly to.”

“Survivalism” is quite common in Silicon Valley and Big Tech circles. For example, about 10 years ago, former Facebook product manager Antonio García Martínez, who lives in San Francisco, bought five acres of woodland on an island in the Pacific Northwest and brought in generators, solar panels, and thousands of rounds of ammunition. According to Martínez, “When society loses a healthy founding myth, it descends into chaos.”

García Martínez, author of the memoir Chaos Monkeys which recounts his years in Silicon Valley, wanted a shelter that was far from cities but not completely isolated: “All these guys think one man can somehow hold out against the roving gangs. No, you’re going to need to form a local militia. You’re going to need a lot of things to get through the apocalypse.”

Moreover, when he started telling his friends in San Francisco’s famous Bay Area about this “little island project,” everyone “came out of the woodwork” and started describing their own preparations. “People who are especially sensitive to the mechanisms of how society works,” Martínez said, “understand that we are skating on very thin cultural ice right now.”

The New Yorker reporter wrote that in private Facebook groups, wealthy survivalists share tips on gas masks, bunkers, and locations sheltered from the effects of climate change. One member, the head of an investment firm, told the reporter, “I keep my helicopter fueled up at all times, and I have an underground bunker with an air-filtration system.” The business owner added: “A lot of my friends do the guns and the motorcycles and the gold coins. It’s not that rare anymore.”(2)

Building a shelter to escape the apocalypse also has metaphorical meanings, and these are actually the ones that first come to mind; we will get to those. But it is still astonishing that the super-rich are literally building shelters for themselves. We also learn from WIRED that media theorist Douglass Rushkoff, in his book Survival of the Richest, describes meeting a group of billionaires who bombarded him with questions about how they could best organize their bunkers to survive the final days of the apocalypse.(3)

The U.S. founding myth and the reinvention of colonialism

The title of the article where we learn about the agreement between the OpenAI CEO and Thiel offers a clue for where to begin: “Sam Altman’s Manifest Destiny.” As is well known, manifest destiny was an ideology that the United States’ eastward expansion to the Pacific and beyond was preordained. The “frontier,” the “frontier spirit,” and the right to civilize and/or destroy were components of this ideology. Texas, California, and New Mexico were annexed with the justification of this ideology; the Panama Canal was opened this way; the Monroe Doctrine and the colonization of Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Pacific islands were made possible by this ideology.

This debate, revived when Donald Trump set his sights on Greenland, has a connection to the Silicon Valley elite’s search for shelters. Joe Lonsdale, a mega-donor to Trump and Peter Thiel’s co-founder at Palantir, argued in an interview with the BBC earlier this year that having frontiers is “very healthy” and that this “frontier mentality” considers new possibilities and creates new things. Lonsdale begins a post on his own blog with lyrics from Bon Jovi’s cowboy song “Wanted Dead or Alive” and says, “America is a frontier country, and for centuries our national greatness has been inextricably linked to the frontier,” continuing:

“The frontier is not just geographic expansion or physical adventure; nor is it just the spirit of experimentation and discovery. The frontier is also dangerous. Every little thing matters, and you can lose everything at any moment. You have to be a little crazy, or believe that fate is on your side, to leave home and go to the New World or the Wild West. But this creates the possibility of greatness. This spirit created and has sustained our country.”

Therefore, “being on the frontier” does not simply point to a geographical situation; it is a spirit, a moral force that runs in the veins of Americans. Lonsdale preaches moving away, both materially and spiritually, from the bureaucratic and stagnant center/core, and venturing into danger.

In this context, he points to Palantir and Silicon Valley as examples. He says they founded Palantir by bringing together the “best” of Silicon Valley to strengthen the defense of the U.S. and its core. But this progress was to be driven primarily by “cowboys,” that is, the inhabitants of the Frontier, innovators, or the “new aristocracy from the periphery.”

Furthermore, a “Silicon Valley” could never exist around Washington D.C., for example, because this region, despite its apparent prosperity, completely lacked the Frontier mentality: in Washington, only “bad ideas, bad bureaucracies, and bad systems” could thrive. It was the opposite of the Frontier, an “anti-Frontier.”

It may seem incredible, but there is another Thiel connection: Ken Howery, an original “PayPal mafia” member and Trump’s nominee for ambassador to Denmark. The two, who are still very close, also founded Founders Fund, one of the industry’s leading venture capital firms. Thiel appears to have donated to a project called “Praxis”: this company belongs to Dryden Brown, who has raised millions of dollars in funding for a project to build a privately funded city in the Mediterranean. Brown traveled to Greenland in 2024 and described the island as “a real frontier that could serve as a sandbox for terraforming.” “Terraforming” is the name given to making an uninhabitable place (or planet) habitable.

We read the rest in a Reuters report:

“As the Trump administration intensifies efforts to buy or seize Greenland from Denmark, some Silicon Valley tech investors are promoting the ice-covered island as a so-called freedom city, a libertarian utopia with minimal corporate regulations.

The idea, said to be in its early stages, is being taken seriously by Ken Howery, whom Trump has appointed as ambassador to Denmark and who is expected to be confirmed by Congress in the coming months. Howery is slated to lead negotiations on the purchase of Greenland. Howery, who was not previously reported to be involved in the idea, once co-founded a venture capital firm with tech billionaire Peter Thiel, a leading proponent of such lightly regulated cities. Howery is also a longtime friend of Elon Musk, one of Trump’s most important advisers.”

Marc Andreessen is part of a consortium of tech investors who want to build a city on pastureland outside of San Francisco. Sources consulted in the Reuters report above suggest that Thiel and Andreessen, leading proponents and financiers of the “startup city” movement, are among those who support the establishment of a settlement in Greenland.

The City as a frontier: Colonialism at home and abroad

The most “successful” example of a charter city is considered to have been built in Honduras. Known as “Prospera ZEDE” (Zone for Employment and Economic Development), the city was designed as a special zone that could create its own legal regulations and have its own court system.

Former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández had supported the special economic zones that enabled the establishment of Próspera. Then, in 2013, the country’s constitution was amended, creating gaps in Honduras’s sovereignty: these zones would function as sub-national administrative units operating under a separate legal and tax system with a high degree of autonomy. Unlike traditional local governments, ZEDEs would have independent administrative systems and laws, much like special economic zones.

ZEDEs were proposed by former World Bank chief economist Paul Romer, in a manner befitting the quests of Silicon Valley’s super-rich: “welfare zones” where laws are enacted solely to attract capital and state powers like taxation or policing are not tied to the government.

U.S. President Donald Trump is also a major supporter of these “freedom cities.” As a real estate baron, Trump built structures solely in exchange for tax breaks. The massive tax break he received for the Grand Hyatt he built in New York in 1980 is calculated to be equivalent to $360 million. He took a similar step for an island near New Rochelle, designed to attract millionaires fleeing Hong Kong as it was set to pass to Chinese sovereignty in the 1990s. Following in the deregulatory footsteps of Britain’s Iron Lady, Margaret Thatcher, Trump became enamored with the idea of creating a lawless inner city within cities. The colonialism that opened “outward” in Honduras was also manifesting itself in the metropolis through the finance and real estate markets.

During his first presidential term, Trump announced his intention to create tax-exempt inner-cities with “Opportunity Zones,” effectively seeking to create a kind of tax haven, a sort of “offshore zone” within the United States. The wealthy from all over the world would pour their income from finance or capital into these opportunity zones, regardless of whether they lived in that city, and receive tax deductions.

Indeed, last March, several groups representing “startup cities” had begun drafting legislation for Congress to create “freedom cities” that would be exempt from federal laws in the U.S.

According to plans uncovered by WIRED, the goal of these cities is to create places where anti-aging clinical trials, nuclear reactor startups, and building construction can be carried out without prior approval from agencies like the Food and Drug Administration, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and the Environmental Protection Agency.

And Próspera, which we saw as the face of Silicon Valley colonialism in Honduras, now appears in the belly of the beast: the city’s general counsel, Trey Goff, says that he and other Próspera representatives working under an advocacy group called the Freedom Cities Coalition have been in talks with the Trump administration about this idea in recent weeks. According to Goff, the White House is very open to the idea.(4)

Escape from Doomsday: The ‘perforation’ of national sovereignty

Behind the freedom city project and the reinvention of colonialism lies a more “solid” justification: the desire to find virgin lands or platforms where states—or rather, nation-states, which are now considered outdated—and even better, where the common folk have no say in national/popular sovereignty.

Because the apocalypse for the super-rich is taxes, because the nemesis of the tech elite is politics and the ballot box, because the doomsday for Silicon Valley’s arms dealers is free public services, or as Thiel’s manifesto succinctly puts it, “Freedom and democracy are no longer compatible.”

Therefore, what is desired is a place without the politikos and, perhaps meaning the same thing, without the populus. It makes no qualitative difference whether this place is an island in the middle of the sea [seasteading], a free city within nation-states subject to no law (also called a charter city), or a colony to be established in space. In fact, look at the activities of online communities like the “Network State” movement(5), of which Thiel is also a part, which aim to establish a physical city or, in theory, a nation-state outside of traditional forms of governance, and nothing changes.

In his book Crack-Up Capitalism, where he examines the market radicals’ dream of a world without democracy, Quinn Slobodian calls the strategy of neoliberals and the Silicon Valley rich to create zones free from national sovereignty within nation-states the “perforation of national sovereignty.” Slobodian points out that nation-states are not as “tight” as one might think and have a “porous” sovereignty structure resembling the imperial era. Free zones, city-states, liberated neighborhoods for capital, tax havens, enclaves and exclaves, and logistics corridors are sprouting up everywhere. Sovereignty goes hand in hand with a state of non-sovereignty.

Of course, this has an economic background: the welfare state capitalism that set off alarm bells in the late 1960s and early 1970s is considered a sign of the apocalypse. The desire is to get rid of the state’s welfare programs, reduce citizen aid, lower taxes, and privatize public education and health services. Free-market saints like Milton Friedman blame the social state for rampant inflation and unemployment. Hostility towards the “big state” and national sovereignty stems from the capitalist crisis, from the pessimism of “capitalism of finitude.”

Hong Kong stands out as the prototype of a free city. This city is called Friedman’s “dream world.” The absence of elections, the city being run by a narrow business elite, the “hire-and-fire” model in the labor market where small factories could hire workers for a month and then fire them, and the state withdrawing to its “proper” functions, leaving the city’s unsuccessful inhabitants to bear the full cost themselves—these are just some parts of this dream. Labor went where capital went and got what it deserved. Moreover, confirming what we said above, this went hand in hand with praise for colonialism: Hong Kong’s condition was entirely due to British imperialism managing it like a corporation. From the 1950s, London had given Hong Kong the right to determine its own trade and tax policies, which meant that Hong Kong, with its colonial status, would not fall into the welfare state quagmire that Britain had fallen into.

Indeed, Canary Wharf within the City of London, Britain’s financial center that itself operates without being bound by national law, is a typical example of creating Hong Kong-like sovereign areas. The history of this “opportunity zone” holds the story of how the poor were dispossessed and driven from the area for the world’s richest oligarchs, transforming it from working-class docks.(6)

A comfortable life for the rich in space

There is a “pedigree” to this: Thiel, along with Andreessen, invested in Pronomos Capital, a venture capital firm that has launched half a dozen “charter city” projects worldwide. Guess who the founder of Pronomos is: Patri Friedman, the grandson of the famous neoliberal Milton Friedman, who discovered his dream free (capital) city in Hong Kong! There are no coincidences in this world.

But there’s more. Pronomos also invested in Praxis, which announced last October that it had secured $525 million in financing for a new city. Praxis’s investors include Lonsdale and a fund established by OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and his brothers. The picture is taking shape.

Praxis co-founder Dryden Brown tells Reuters that other companies have approached his firm about building a city in Greenland. Brown advocates for building a city on the frozen island because its harsh environment could provide a testing ground for colonizing Mars, one of Musk’s biggest goals.

Brown once wrote on X, using the term Musk uses for settlement on the red planet, “We must build a prototype of Terminus on Earth before we go to Mars. I believe Greenland is the right place, @elonmusk.”

In her article on Silicon Valley’s fantasy of colonizing space, Alina Utrata from Cambridge University argues that while the new tech-rich’s idea is often treated as “innovative,” it actually operates with the same logic of old-style colonialism: the “empty frontier,” territorialization, and dispossession of natives. The author points out that the Silicon Valley project aims not so much to create a “zone of freedom” but to reproduce existing states in areas like cyberspace, seasteads, and network states. In other words, in the case of SpaceX or Blue Origin, we are actually facing a new British East India Company.

For Amazon owner Jeff Bezos, the doomsday scenario for humanity is not an “extinction event,” but an energy crisis where Earth’s limited resources will ultimately constrain capitalist growth. Utrata comments:

“A Malthusian logic underpins his calculations of the limit of the population that can be sustained on Earth, and Bezos has repeatedly stated that civilization will be doomed to a life of ‘rationing and stasis’ unless we expand into the stars, where ‘resources are practically infinite.’ Bezos draws on the cyclical logic of growth of past colonial capitalists, arguing that imperial expansion must be undertaken to support the infinite growth of the home population. The Amazon founder does not think that humans should make the Moon or Mars habitable, but rather that they should build floating structures like the International Space Station orbiting near Earth. These structures could provide a perfect artificial environment in space (‘Maui on its best day, no earthquakes’) and thus allow Earth to be zoned as a national park.”

Thus, the logic of internal, external, and off-world colonization rests on the expectation of doomsday. Natural disasters are part of this apocalypse, but even better is escaping from taxes, resource scarcity, crowds, people of color, and workers… It is an escape not to freedom, but to segregation: we are facing the racial, biological, and geographical reproduction of America’s Jim Crow laws and their “separate but equal” doctrine.

But one more separation remains. As racial, biological, and geographical hierarchies are being rebuilt, it is unthinkable that gender hierarchies would not also be reproduced. We will examine the place of women and the family in the escape from doomsday in the next installment and conclude the series with the ideology of war.


(*) The reference in the title is from Exodus 6:6: “Therefore, say to the Israelites: ‘I am the Lord, and I will bring you out from under the yoke of the Egyptians. I will free you from being slaves to them, and I will redeem you with an outstretched arm and with mighty acts of judgment.’”

(1) In the same report, we learn that Reddit’s founder Steve Huffman had his nearsighted eyes corrected with laser surgery. The reason was not cosmetic; Huffman had the surgery to increase his chances of survival, thinking that being bespectacled or wearing contact lenses would be a disadvantage in a potential apocalypse!

(2) Quinn Slobodian, in his book Crack-Up Capitalism [the Turkish text mistakenly cites Hayek’s Bastards], points out that the libertarians who rediscovered the nation, Christianity, the family, and race were also pioneers of the movement to return to gold as “sound money.”

(3) A venture capitalist who spoke to The New Yorker reporter also emphasized that this doomsday preparation activity is much more common than one might think: “There are a lot of us in the Valley. We get together for these financial-hacking dinners and we talk about people’s backup plans. There are all kinds of plans, from people who are stockpiling Bitcoin and cryptocurrency, to people who are planning on getting second passports if they need them, to people who are buying vacation homes in other countries that could be escape havens. I’ll be honest: I’m stockpiling real estate right now to have a passive income and a shelter I can escape to… I have this sort of weird scenario in my head where it’s like, ‘Oh, my God, if there’s a civil war or a giant earthquake that cleaves off part of California, we want to be ready.’” Former Yahoo executive Marvin Liao was taking archery lessons to be able to protect his wife and daughter in a post-apocalyptic world.

(4) It should be said that geographer Neil Smith’s choice of The New Urban Frontier as the title for his groundbreaking book on gentrification perfectly reflects the spirit of Silicon Valley colonialism. Smith, who called these new living spaces of the neoliberal era the “revanchist city,” argues that gentrification is structured as a politics of revenge against the working class, minorities, the poor, and the homeless. This seems consistent with the American founding fathers’ Wild West or “frontier spirit”: the dispossession, expulsion, and, when possible, “elimination” of the “natives” is the hallmark of the new metropolitan gentrification policies shaped by gentrification practices.

(5) This movement is defined as follows: “At its core, a Network State is a digital-first entity. Unlike traditional states defined by geographical borders, a Network State is formed on the basis of shared ideas, interests, and goals, primarily developed through online platforms. It is a community that starts virtually but has the potential to acquire physical attributes like land and governance structures. These states are not just theoretical constructs; they represent a practical reimagining of how communities can organize and govern themselves in the digital age. In practice, this would entail an online community forming a DAO, or decentralized autonomous organization (sometimes referred to as a chat group with a shared bank account), crowdfunding enough capital to establish a physical presence, and from there becoming a nation-state working towards sovereignty recognition. Anyone can agree that this is simpler said than done in reality, but in today’s chaotic world dominated by geopolitical conflicts, wars, and a growing digital economy, this idea seems more realistic than ever.” The expectation of doomsday once again emerges as the main reason fueling the trend towards online statehood.

(6) So much so that when the transport workers’ union wanted to protest against the low wages of cleaning staff working in Canary Wharf, they were blocked by the high court.

America

The system that needed Lindsey Graham

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Thomas Karat, behavior analyst

The senator died Saturday night of an aortic dissection, at seventy-one, in the middle of a campaign for a fifth term. His communications director cited the medical examiner’s preliminary finding: a rupture in the body’s largest artery, the consequence of arteriosclerotic cardiovascular disease. The tributes arrived within hours. Trump called him a true American patriot. Volodymyr Zelensky, who had met him twice in the preceding week, called him a friend who was there when it was needed most. Mark Rutte and Benjamin Netanyahu sent their own. Roger Wicker, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, said there were no words to describe Graham’s impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the United States.

There are words. The obituaries have chosen the wrong ones, and in doing so they have skipped the only question worth asking about a man like this. Not whether he was sincere in his convictions — he was, exhaustingly so — but how a senator whose reflexive answer to every foreign crisis was force spent twenty-three years being handed the committee seats, the airtime, and the ear of four presidents that let him act on it. Graham was not an aberration the system tolerated. He was a product the system manufactured, promoted, and kept in stock because he was useful.

Consider the shape of the career. In March 2003, as the bombs fell on Baghdad, Graham told the country that past disagreements should give way to a shared commitment to see the effort through. The war he blessed that day killed more than a quarter of a million Iraqi civilians by the most conservative direct-death counts, birthed the insurgency that became ISIS, and left the country a wreck. He drew no lesson from it. When Libya was broken open in 2011 and left to its warlords, he had backed the intervention. When Syria was pulled apart, he had wanted deeper involvement. Across two decades, the country would be devastated, and Graham’s response to each devastation was to locate the next one.

By February of this year the next one was Iran. On the twenty-sixth, under his own Senate letterhead, Graham published an essay that reads now like a confession left in plain sight. Iran, he wrote, was facing a Berlin Wall moment. The regime was at its weakest point since 1979, and his ultimate hope was that regime change would be achieved. He described the October 7 attacks, in his own phrasing — as a silver lining, because the Israeli campaign that followed had degraded Iran’s military. He praised Trump for pursuing, in his words, peace, not war, in the same paragraphs that celebrated a bombing campaign already under way. The strikes had a name: Operation Midnight Hammer. Graham called it the largest opportunity for peace and prosperity in the Middle East in over a thousand years.

He said the quiet part in Tel Aviv, to reporters, on February 16, less than two weeks before the strikes began. The United States was on the verge of eliminating the largest state sponsor of terrorism in the region. On Fox News, days into the war, he offered the ledger in its rawest form: when the regime goes down, he said, there would be a new Middle East, and the United States would make a tremendous amount of money. Venezuela and Iran held nearly a third of the world’s known oil reserves, he noted, and the point of the exercise was a partnership with those reserves. Regime change as a real-estate transaction. He had made the trip to Israel, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia the week before to reaffirm, he wrote, that all of it was attainable and would be extremely beneficial to the United States. Weeks earlier he had met with Mossad, telling reporters they would tell him things his own government would not.

None of this cost him anything. That is the part the eulogies cannot hold in view, because to hold it in view is to indict the institutions doing the eulogizing. A senator who spent a career being wrong about the consequences of American force — wrong about Iraq, wrong about Libya, wrong about what would follow the fall of every regime he wanted to fall — was never demoted for it. He was promoted. The record of his committee assignments tells the story in the driest possible language. For years he sat on the Armed Services Committee, from which he lectured the Senate that its love for the troops bought nothing, that only appropriations did, that a colleague worried about the budget was out of touch with the world. By the time of his death he chaired the Budget Committee and sat on Appropriations — the panels that write the numbers and bless the spending. The man who wanted every war was placed, again and again, on the committees that pay for them.

Follow the money and the shape sharpens further. Graham’s donors, across a career documented in Federal Election Commission filings, clustered where his positions pointed. The defense contractors — the makers of the aircraft, the missiles, the systems — routed money to his committees and his leadership PACs. The specific career totals sit behind a paywall that blocks automated verification, and so no single figure belongs in this account. But the pattern needs no exact number to be legible. A senator who votes for every weapons system, who calls insufficient defense spending an emergency, who treats the reduction of the military budget as a moral failure, is a senator worth funding for the people who build the weapons. The contributions were not a bribe. They did not need to be. They were an investment in a man who already believed, and who sat where belief could be converted into contracts.

The media completed the machine. Graham was a fixture of the Sunday shows and the cable green rooms for a reason that had nothing to do with wisdom and everything to do with format. He was quotable, available, and reliably hawkish, which made him the perfect guest for programs that reward certainty over accuracy and confrontation over reflection. The pipeline ran in both directions. The airtime made him a national figure, and being a national figure got him more airtime, and the whole apparatus rewarded the escalation it claimed only to be covering. When he called for bombing Iran regardless of Iran’s involvement in a given attack, and told Israel to finish the job, the remarks drew condemnation abroad and bookings at home. The market for a war hawk was deep, and he supplied it.

What made Graham durable was that his convictions never had to survive an election of ideas, only the tolerance of the institutions that housed them. He denounced Trump in 2015 as a race-baiting xenophobic bigot and a jackass, and by his second term was among the president’s most consistent defenders, having discovered that proximity to power mattered more than the content of the man wielding it. The pitch that helped start this year’s war was delivered, according to reporting on the strikes, over rounds of golf. Iran was a spoiler for everything Trump wanted, Graham told him; collapse the regime and it would be Berlin Wall stuff. The president was persuaded. The bombs fell. And when a reporter asked Graham what the plan was for the day after — the question that Iraq should have burned into every hawk in Washington — he answered that it was not his job to know. The future of Iran, he said, was for the Iranian people to determine. He had wanted the war. The consequences belonged to someone else.

That was always the arrangement. The wars were his to advocate and never his to own. He would appear on the morning shows to demand them, sit on the committees to fund them, take the money from the firms that profited from them, and when they curdled into the next disaster he would be on television again, demanding the next one, his authority somehow enhanced rather than diminished by the wreckage behind him. This is not the biography of an outlier. It is the biography of an incentive structure, wearing a man’s face.

He died with the seat already in motion. Within hours, before any burial, the reporting had turned to the scramble to replace him, to the governor who will name a temporary successor, to what his absence means for a Republican majority counting every vote. Trump told NBC he already had someone in mind. The machine that made Lindsey Graham did not pause to mourn him. It began, immediately, to fill the vacancy — because the position he occupied was never really about the man. It was about keeping the seat filled by someone who would say what he said. There is no shortage of applicants. That is the dread the eulogies are built to keep you from feeling. He is gone, and nothing that produced him has changed.

***

Thomas Karat has spent a career in multinational technology corporations and is a behavior analyst holding a Master’s in Science and Communication from Manchester Metropolitan University. His work focuses on the psychology of language in power dynamics, and his graduate thesis examined linguistic deception markers in high-stakes business negotiations. He hosts a YT podcast, SaltCubeAnalytics, and publishes at karat.substack.com

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America

Trump financial disclosures show millions invested in major defense contractors, analysis reveals

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US President Donald Trump’s financial disclosures released last week reveal that he has invested millions of dollars in approximately a dozen companies, including weapons manufacturers and defense contractors, according to a news analysis by Responsible Statecraft. The analysis shows that Trump, through investment firms representing him, acquired shares in defense sector companies valued at a total of between $9.7 million and $24.3 million.

The companies receiving investment included Palantir, Lockheed Martin, and General Dynamics.

According to the financial disclosures, the investment firms managing Trump’s assets invested between $1.6 million and $3.9 million in the data analytics and artificial intelligence company Palantir.

The analysis noted that Palantir developed the AI-powered Maven Smart System, which is utilized in US military operations in the war with Iran. The same analysis also claimed that the company contributed to the development of software named “Big Daddy,” which is used in Israeli military operations in Gaza.

Trump’s portfolio also includes shares in Boeing. The analysis stated that Boeing sold F-15 fighter jets valued at $8.6 billion to Israel less than three months before Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu initiated their joint war against Iran.

According to the financial disclosures, Trump also invested in GE Aerospace, Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and RTX, the manufacturer of Tomahawk missiles.

The analysis wrote that weapons produced by these companies were heavily used in the war with Iran, including Tomahawk missiles used in a US Air Force strike on a primary school in the Iranian city of Minab. The report stated that at least 168 children lost their lives in this attack.

According to Responsible Statecraft, the majority of these companies received new contracts from the Pentagon aimed at replenishing US missile stockpiles depleted during the war with Iran.

RTX signed a $373 million contract for 23 Standard Missile-3 IB interceptor missiles, while Lockheed Martin was reported to have secured a $35 billion contract intended to quadruple its production of the THAAD missile defense system.

The financial disclosures showed that Trump’s investment firms also invested in shares of Kratos Defense, Honeywell, Howmet Aerospace, L3Harris, and TransDigm.

Responsible Statecraft noted that the shares of these companies gained significant value within a year of Trump returning to office. According to the analysis, in 2025, Palantir shares rose by 135%, Kratos shares by 188%, GE Aerospace shares by 84%, and RTX shares by 61%.

In April, Trump posted on Truth Social, stating: “Palantir Technologies has proven to have very powerful capabilities and equipment on the battlefield. Ask our enemies!” Following the post, the company’s shares reportedly rose by approximately 3% within a few minutes.

Financial records showed that Trump generated more than $2 billion in income in 2025. Responsible Statecraft wrote that this amount is “unprecedented” for a sitting US president.

According to the report, the majority of this income was derived from investments linked to cryptocurrency companies such as World Liberty Financial and Binance. Trump reportedly earned hundreds of millions of dollars from “memecoins” launched through these companies, though these crypto assets later suffered sharp declines in value, resulting in losses for numerous investors.

The analysis stated that Tahnoun bin Zayed al-Nahyan, the UAE National Security Advisor and brother of the UAE President and Foreign Minister, invested $500 million in World Liberty Financial and $2 billion in Binance. Trump subsequently approved the export of advanced AI chips to the UAE, a decision that the analysis indicated created the impression of being linked to the crypto investments.

According to the analysis, Donald Trump Jr. is also connected to companies operating in the unmanned aerial vehicle and defense technology sectors. Trump Jr. is a major shareholder and advisory board member at Unusual Machines, which manufactures drone components, while his investment firm also holds stakes in Powerus and Vulcan Elements, both of which hold Pentagon contracts.

Trump Jr. serves on the board of Powerus, which markets drone systems used to intercept Iranian missiles to Gulf countries, and Eric Trump is reported to hold a financial interest in the same company.

Richard Painter, who served as the chief White House ethics lawyer during the George W. Bush administration, evaluated the situation, saying: “These countries are under great pressure to buy from the president’s sons. In this way, the president will do what they want.”

When asked last year about potential conflicts of interest arising from Trump’s business activities, White House Spokesperson Anna Kelly responded: “There are no conflicts of interest.” Trump also acknowledged the existence of conflicts of interest in an interview with the New York Times earlier this year, but argued they were not important, saying: “I realized that nobody cares.”

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US Democrats split over proposed data center moratoriums amid rising energy and climate concerns

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Democrats in the United States increasingly view the rapid expansion of data centers as a critical challenge, yet the party remains deeply divided over how to address the issue.

For many Democrats, the immense energy consumption of these facilities—which drives up household electricity bills and exacerbates climate change—makes some form of restriction an inevitable policy option. The growing public unpopularity of these centers raises the political stakes for Democrats, who are seeking solutions to protect their prospects in this year’s midterm elections on promises of lowering the cost of living.

Last month, Representative Frank Pallone Jr., the top Democrat on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, called for a moratorium on data center construction. However, senior party leadership has shown little enthusiasm for the proposal.

These internal divisions are also playing out at the state level, where at least two Democratic-controlled legislatures have passed data center moratoriums. One of those measures was vetoed, while the other is currently awaiting the governor’s signature.

Support for restricting data centers does not align strictly along traditional ideological lines. A faction of anti-establishment Republicans has backed such efforts, while other members of the Republican Party continue to debate how, or even if, to regulate the massive server farms powering the artificial intelligence boom.

In Congress, Democratic leaders have repeatedly argued that data centers must pay their fair share of rising energy costs.

Earlier this year, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer stated that Democrats would push for “strong, enforceable consumer protections.”

Similarly, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries expressed support for technological innovation while emphasizing, “We must ensure we are protecting the American consumer.”

However, neither leader has endorsed a specific legislative proposal to achieve these objectives. Requests for comment sent to the offices of Schumer and Jeffries went unanswered.

Jeffries also told Politico that halting data center development is “certainly not a position I am articulating at this time.”

In contrast, influential progressive figures, including Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, argue that a total moratorium on data center construction is necessary.

In March, these lawmakers introduced legislation that would ban the construction of new data centers until Congress enacts a suite of AI safety measures, ranging from government audits of AI models to protections against mass layoffs.

Pallone voiced strong support for the concept last month during a subcommittee hearing on a separate data center bill, stating he favored “a national AI data center moratorium until we can figure out a way that this is not going to harm our nation’s air, water, and utility bills.”

Following his remarks, Pallone added: “The reality is that everything with these data centers is moving so quickly, and I am concerned about the impact on electricity consumers and the environment.”

The Data Center Coalition, an industry group backed by several major technology companies, argued that a national moratorium would deter investment in the US, damage the economy, and “send the wrong message to other industries.”

“A federal mandate to halt data center construction risks restricting access to cloud and digital services, undermines our global competitiveness, and would have significant consequences for Americans’ daily lives,” the group said in a statement in late June.

Maxwell Shulman, a policy research analyst at Beacon Policy Advisors, suggested that the primary force driving the recent push for moratoriums is a “general hostility toward AI and Big Tech.”

“People see many of these changes. They are worried about AI. They are worried about the economy and their jobs, and they feel there is very little they can do about it,” Shulman said. “They view data centers not only as the physical embodiment of AI, but also as one of the rare areas where they can actually have a say or fight back.”

Shulman added: “I think moratoriums are a blunt but effective tool to demonstrate this opposition or concern toward AI in general, not just data centers.”

Meanwhile, a narrower, bipartisan bill has been gaining momentum in Congress.

The Electricity Consumers Protection Act, led by Representative Kathy Castor, a Democrat, and Representative Gabe Evans, a Republican, would require state utility regulators to establish rules ensuring that ordinary Americans do not foot the bill for new power generation and transmission lines built to support high-load consumers like data centers.

The bill passed the House Energy and Commerce subcommittee in late June and is scheduled for consideration by the full committee.

Castor said Congress should begin by establishing regulatory safeguards, though she did not rule out supporting a construction halt in the future.

“People want guardrails. They do not want their electricity bills to go up, and they are worried about water,” Castor said last month.

When asked about her stance on a moratorium, Castor added: “If we reach a point where these guardrails are not put in place and companies simply ignore them, we will have to move to that stage.”

At the state level, Democratic governors have blocked or slowed legislative efforts to limit data center expansion. In Maine, the legislature passed a bill to ban new data center construction for 18 months, but Governor Janet Mills vetoed the measure because it did not exempt an ongoing $550 million project.

New York lawmakers passed a one-year data center moratorium in June, which is currently awaiting action from Governor Kathy Hochul. According to a report by Politico, Hochul is instead considering an executive order for a shorter, six-month halt.

Other Democratic governors have actively opposed data center moratoriums.

“Walking away from a technology that will continue to propagate is leaving the table,” Representative Abigail Spanberger, a Democrat from Virginia, told Politico this week.

In California, Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have required planned data centers to estimate their water usage.

As broad moratoriums encounter resistance, state-level Democratic leaders are turning to more targeted solutions, such as reassessing data center tax credits. In Illinois, Democratic Governor JB Pritzker announced in June that the state would suspend its tax incentives for data centers due to energy and water concerns.

Some Republicans have adopted a similar approach. In May, Ohio’s Republican Governor Mike DeWine instructed state officials to temporarily halt the evaluation of new tax exemption requests while lawmakers review data center growth in the state.

In Virginia, lawmakers kept data center tax incentives intact after prolonged budget debates that forced a special legislative session. Spanberger instead supported the introduction of a new tax on electricity consumption.

Meanwhile, in New Jersey, Governor Mikie Sherrill signed legislation this week that places data centers into a separate category of electricity consumers. The governor’s office stated that the measure will ensure data centers pay for their own energy use and the associated infrastructure.

Commenting on the dynamics facing state leaders, Shulman said: “There is a massive amount of investment potential and a lot of potential jobs at stake. And I really think these Democratic governors do not want to shoot their own states in the foot in the race to capture these jobs.”

Shulman added: “The goal for a Democratic governor is to send a policy signal strong enough to make voters feel they are taking a tough stance on AI, or addressing its potential negative consequences, while still trying to attract as much investment and as many jobs as possible.”

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