Europe
Study reveals Adenauer’s chancellery knowingly employed former Nazi officials
Federal German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer entrusted the budget to the Nazi official responsible for the plunder of Riga during its occupation.
According to a report in The Times, Friedrich Karl Vialon was one of the “typical desk murderers who kept the bureaucratic mechanism of the Holocaust running” between 1942 and 1945.
Sent to Nazi-occupied Riga in 1942, Vialon’s task was to seize any assets his personnel could get their hands on from the Baltic states: jewelry, boots, winter coats, musical instruments, de facto slaves, and gold fillings extracted from the mouths of executed Jews. One of these fillings was even refitted into the mouth of one of Vialon’s secretaries.
As reported by The Times, Vialon carried out this duty with ruthless precision, increasing the number of Jews subjected to forced labor in the region from 6,000 to 13,800. He personally supervised the confiscation of property during house raids and at the nearby Salaspils SS concentration camp.
However, he never paid a price for these crimes. On the contrary, just five years after the end of the war, he was appointed head of the budget department in the West German finance ministry.
Three years later, Chancellor Konrad Adenauer appointed Vialon to head the finance and economic unit in his own office. Vialon retired in 1966 with a senior civil servant’s pension and died in early 1990, five months after the fall of the Berlin Wall.
The first systematic analysis of West Germany’s initial chancellery personnel files, conducted by Stuttgart University historian Gunnar Take, shows that stories like Vialon’s were exceedingly common in the 1950s and 1960s, almost considered normal.
Take found that of the 107 senior civil servants who served in the chancellery between 1949 and 1970, 57 were too young to have held any position of influence during the Nazi dictatorship.
Of the remaining 50, 20 had held mid- to high-level positions in the Third Reich, ranging from Wehrmacht and Gestapo officers to those assigned to powerful administrative roles or tasked with overseeing occupied territories. Most of these individuals, like Vialon, were members of the Nazi Party.
Another 27 were “conformists” who worked as businessmen, lower-level civil servants, and academics, demonstrating their loyalty to the Hitler regime by joining the ruling party or other state-sponsored Nazi groups.
This left only three officials who were clearly troubled by the dictatorship: two “internal emigrants” who criticized Nazi ideology in private conversations without being involved in the opposition, and Adenauer’s first chief of staff, Otto Lenz, who was arrested for his personal ties to some conspirators involved in the Valkyrie Operation, the 1944 assassination attempt on Hitler.
In other words, of those on Adenauer’s staff old enough to have had a career in the Third Reich, 40% had previously held significant posts in the Nazi administration, and 94% had at least outwardly remained loyal to Hitler.
According to The Times, this was no coincidence. Adenauer, who led West Germany from 1949 to 1963, had “worked obsessively” to secure personal control over the institutions of the federal state.
Together with his right-hand man from 1953 onward, former Third Reich interior ministry official Hans Globke, Adenauer built a power base around networks of loyal individuals who owed their careers to his patronage.
Many of these officials had previously climbed the career ladder under Nazi rule.
When questioned by his political opponents about these appointments, Adenauer argued he had no other choice: the only way to build a functioning state from the ruins of the Second World War was to rely on people who knew how things worked, regardless of how tarnished their pasts were.
However, Take’s research reveals that the real reason was far more ironic. The archives show that Globke, with Adenauer’s encouragement, actively favored friends and connections from the Third Reich for public service positions, hoping they would provide him with gossip and do him favors.
Moreover, these officials were a remarkably homogeneous group: typically Catholic, upper-middle-class, socially conservative lawyers, disproportionately selected from Adenauer and Globke’s home region of the Rhineland, with most having “black marks” on their résumés from the years before 1945.
These black marks were often concealed during the denazification process in the early years after the war, with network members providing each other with “Persil certificates” (Persilschein): misleading letters of reference stating that the holder was untainted by the crimes of the Nazi regime.
An attempt was made to prosecute Vialon in 1969, but the court ruled there was insufficient evidence that he had been aware of the mass murders.
Take believes that Adenauer and Globke deliberately prioritized former Third Reich officials over alternative candidates, such as older civil servants who had gone into “internal exile” after 1933 or Germans who had previously worked for the British and American military occupation authorities.
Take suggests that Adenauer was not trying to bring back Nazi ideology, but rather seeking to secure his own position through methods that veered toward authoritarianism.
The related research is published in the book The Chancellery: West German Democracy and the Nazi Past, authored by Take, Jutta Braun, Nadine Freund, and Christian Mentel.
Europe
EIB to unveil 15 billion euro tech initiative to scale European startups
The European Investment Bank (EIB) will announce a €15 billion initiative today, in collaboration with EU capitals and private investors, aimed at supporting the growth of European technology companies.
For decades, startups on the continent have struggled to raise the large-scale funding rounds necessary to scale on this side of the Atlantic, frequently turning to US investors or relocating abroad as they expand.
“We are catching up. Now we need to accelerate,” EIB President Nadia Calviño said.
Under the existing European Tech Champions Initiative, the EIB had already pooled resources with six EU governments to establish funds that invest in high-growth companies across the EU.
Calviño described the initiative as “very successful,” noting that it has supported 12 European “unicorn” companies valued at over $1 billion, including the German artificial intelligence translation firm DeepL.
The bank is now expanding the program with a new phase nearly four times the size of the original.
Twenty-five EU governments, alongside private investors such as Santander and Danske Bank, are expected to participate in the program.
This initial €15 billion aims to mobilize up to €80 billion in total investment. Calviño stated that this estimate is based on the multiplier effects achieved under previous programs.
As part of these efforts, the EIB also aims to attract European pension funds, which manage immense pools of capital but have historically allocated fewer resources to technology investments compared to their US counterparts.
In addition to the new funding, Calviño noted that the EIB will create a platform providing a single point of access for existing European scale-up initiatives, including the European Commission’s Scaleup Europe Fund, France’s Tibi initiative, and Germany’s Win initiative.
Europe
Germany to purchase US Tomahawk missiles to build own long-range strike capability
Germany will purchase Tomahawk cruise missiles from the United States and deploy them on German territory, Chancellor Friedrich Merz announced on Thursday.
The move marks a shift away from planned US deployments and toward Germany establishing its own long-range strike capability.
Merz told lawmakers that he finalized the agreement with the US government during the NATO summit in Ankara, adding that the talks held on Tuesday and Wednesday had exceeded his expectations.
“While we close a critical strategic gap in our defense, we are also working to develop our own European systems and deploy them in Europe,” the Chancellor said.
According to German government sources, Washington committed in a letter of intent signed on Tuesday to approve Germany’s acquisition of Tomahawk missiles and their land-based Typhon launchers in August.
The number of missiles and launchers Germany plans to purchase was not disclosed because the information is classified.
The planned acquisition appears aligned with US President Donald Trump’s pressure on European allies to cover their own security costs, such as by purchasing US weapons.
The fate of the Tomahawk procurement had become uncertain after Trump announced in May that he would reduce the US military presence in Germany.
That development was seen as a cancellation of a plan made under the previous administration to deploy a US battalion equipped with long-range Tomahawk missiles to Germany.
That original plan was designed as a temporary solution to serve as a strong deterrent against Russia while Europeans developed their own versions of such weapons.
Germany produces its own cruise missile, the Taurus, but its range of approximately 311 miles is three to five times shorter than that of the Tomahawk missiles.
Europe
Apple loses EU court appeal over Digital Markets Act gatekeeper designation
The General Court of the European Union has rejected Apple’s challenges against its “gatekeeper” status designated under the Digital Markets Act (DMA).
With this ruling, the company’s designated status for the App Store and iOS remains valid, while its applications regarding iMessage were also rejected.
Apple had argued that the five separate App Stores it operates for the iPhone, iPad, Apple Watch, Mac, and Apple TV should be evaluated as distinct, individual services.
The court rejected this argument, ruling that these stores serve a common purpose of connecting developers and users, regardless of the specific device.
The court also dismissed Apple’s defense that the DMA’s interoperability obligations violate its fundamental rights.
However, it did not conduct a substantive assessment on the legality of this obligation, stating that a direct legal link could not be established between the regulation in question and the determination of “gatekeeper” status.
Following the ruling, Apple argued that the obligations under the DMA “exceed the boundaries of legality and proportionality.” The company asserted that the new rules jeopardize the work it has carried out for years to ensure user privacy and security.
Apple retains the right to appeal the decision, though a company spokesperson did not comment on whether there are plans to do so.
Apple previously declared that DMA rules prevented the launch of the updated version of Siri in Europe, resulting in European users being unable to benefit from the service.
In force in the European Union since 2024, the DMA covers a total of 22 services and products belonging to Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, ByteDance, Meta Platforms, and Microsoft.
The regulation obliges these companies to share certain data with competitors, provide access to user-generated data, and offer verification tools to advertising partners.
Additionally, it prohibits platforms from engaging in anti-competitive practices that favor their own products. Companies failing to comply with the rules face fines of up to 10% of their global turnover, which can rise to 20% in cases of repeated violations.
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