Opinion
The coming armistice: preparing for a bigger one — 1
The Kiev regime, i.e. the Western bloc, is facing a number of constraints which, apart from the massive human and material losses, are severely limiting its ability to sustain the conflict in Ukraine and leading to its constant retreat under the onslaught of the Russian army.
The regime manages to maintain drone strikes deep inside Russia. However, the targets hit are mostly of no military significance; the regime only wants to show that it can reach deeper and, if possible, disrupt the operation of civilian airfields. The political goal is to provoke Russia into thwarting ceasefire initiatives, which will multiply under the Trump administration.
But the West can no longer sustain a war with Russia on the military front with the conventional means at its disposal.
Let’s take a rough look.
Limitations
Each Patriot battalion has 4-6 batteries, and each battery has 6-8 launchers. When referring to the Patriot system, it is usually the batteries that are meant, as each battery is an operational unit with a radar, engagement station, launchers and missiles. In the U.S., there are 15 Patriot battalions (active), which means an average of 75 Patriot systems. It is unclear how many Patriot batteries are active around the world, but it is generally estimated to be between 150 and 170 (ignoring the more rare and therefore extreme numbers of 60 or 220). The comedian-president of the Kiev regime said on 24 July that they had already received 25 Patriot systems, i.e. 15-17 per cent of all active batteries. On 9 December he announced that they would buy 10-12 more batteries – with what money? Russia’s frozen assets:
I really don’t understand, one system costs 1.5 billion dollars. Please take it from Russia’s assets, take this money – $ 30 billion. The price is $30 billion, but it will completely protect our airspace’.
When the figures are so loosely expressed, astronomical escalations in tariffs become unclear. If we ignore the Kiev regime’s promises to transfer $30 billions of Russia’s assets to the RTX vaults, which are reminiscent of the ‘president’s’ previous occupation, like something out of a bad headlight, and look at the proportion of systems that Ukraine is to receive, we get the following picture:
In August this year, at the start of the conflict, Russia announced that it had destroyed 12 Patriot batteries. This means that 7-8 per cent of the world’s active Patriot systems on Ukrainian territory have been destroyed. Not content with this, the regime wants a further 8-9 per cent of the world’s remaining active Patriot batteries. In total, this would amount to 19-21 per cent of active batteries by February 2022.
It is not just a question of willingness to provide these systems, or the theft of Russia’s frozen assets to pay for them. There is a more fundamental issue: production capacity. At best, Raytheon can produce 3-4 batteries a year. In other words, the 12 batteries that Russia destroyed in two years are the product of a 3-year production process.
Production capacity constraints exist for all weapon systems, including ammunition. On 5 May 1941, Stalin said at the graduation ceremony of the War Academies: “Artillery is the god of modern warfare. This statement will remain true as long as war is fought by conventional methods. That is why the ongoing crisis over 155mm artillery ammunition is so significant, despite the fact that stocks are being shipped to the Kiev regime from countries’ stockpiles, some of which are known and some of which are kept secret. In May this year, Sky News reported that the US and Europe were expected to produce a total of 1.3 million rounds of artillery ammunition over the course of the year, while Russia produced 3.5 times that amount at 4.5 times the cost. In other words, even the total ammunition production of the countries at war with Russia does not meet the needs of the war.
A third constraint is the impact of Russian electronic warfare systems. As early as July this year, the Wall Street Journal reported that Russia had succeeded in neutralizing high-precision projectiles through electronic warfare, for example, the M982 Excalibur was no longer usable, the HIMARS was ‘deafened’, the GLSDB high-precision ammunition jointly produced by Boeing and Saab, and even some radio-electronic warfare equipment. In other words, between the lines of Western sources, the statements of the Russian Defense Ministry are generally confirmed: the destructive effect of the conventional weapons systems of the Western bloc is being weakened, and this is pushing them to work on even more advanced electronic warfare systems. Undoubtedly, they can and will develop more militarily advanced systems, but if they do so while Russia develops its own electronic warfare systems at the same pace, this move means maintaining superiority.
The fourth limitation is military resources. The Western bloc is determined to fight Russia ‘to the last Ukrainian’ (in the pithy words of Johnson, Britain’s bankrupt and defunct prime minister), but Ukrainians are not infinite. Earlier this month, Trump put the Ukrainian death toll at 400,000. (At the same time, he put Russia’s at more than 600,000.) Rutte, NATO’s young secretary-general, said recently that the total number of casualties since the conflict began had reached 1 million, with 10,000 killed or wounded every week. Russia says its own casualties bear no relation to these figures, and that the Kiev regime’s losses are much higher. On 27 December, Defense Minister Andrei Belousov announced that this year alone the other side’s losses in terms of dead and wounded amounted to 560,000, of which only 40,000 were in the Kursk direction. This means that Ukraine’s total losses since 24 February are over 1 million.
Given that earlier this year Putin put the ratio of ‘irreversible losses’ at five to one, Russia’s losses must be closer to 200,000. In any case, Russia’s human losses are not irretrievable, as it recruited an additional 450,000 contract soldiers during the year. In early April, Kiev lowered the age of conscription from 27 to 25. In early December, the U.S. State Department announced (on the run) that ‘the United States and its allies have found it necessary to lower the age of conscription in Ukraine to 18’. U.S. State Department spokesman Matthew Miller also said that if the age of mobilization was lowered to 18, the Kiev army would be able to meet its needs for additional equipment. Dmitry Litvin, an aide to the comedian-turned-president of Kiev, claimed that there were no plans to lower the age of mobilization, but the Rada immediately announced that work was underway to lower the age of mobilization.
Lowering the age of conscription to 18 will not, however, completely solve the shortage of personnel in the armed forces. As the Independent wrote a few days ago, quoting the Finland-based Black Bird Group: ‘Even assuming everything else is perfect, that nobody leaves the country, that there are no desertions, that people don’t dodge the draft, that they turn up at recruitment offices, the age of 18 will not bring the army anywhere near 85 per cent of its required strength.
The fifth constraint is manpower. According to the UN, by February 2024 a total of 14 million Ukrainians had left their homes and 6.5 million had left the country. This does not include 5 million people who have gone to Russia (and not just the inhabitants of the four federal districts that have joined Russia). From around 40 million at the beginning of 2022, the Ukrainian population fell to 29 million by the middle of this year, according to the best estimates. In addition, the number of people leaving the country is growing rapidly throughout the year. According to Ukrainian data, a total of 3.2 million people left Ukraine (excluding Russia) from the beginning of this year until 19 December alone. Nikolai Azarov, Ukraine’s prime minister from 2010 to 2014, rightly said last week that these people cannot be expected to return even if the war ends: ‘It must be admitted that 50 per cent of those who left Ukraine will never return, because they left with their families, they found jobs and houses. About half or a certain percentage of those who want to return will only return when there is a normal government, and a real reconstruction of the country begins. As long as the current regime remains in place, 90 per cent of those who left will not return because they see no future for themselves in this situation.
Armistice
It is necessary to put the terms in their proper place. A ceasefire is an agreement on the military situation on the ground, which may cover part or all of the front. It does not necessarily have to be in writing, especially if it covers only a certain part of the front, and in some cases, it is applied only as a gentleman’s agreement. An armistice is a general ceasefire. A ceasefire is signed or agreed between the military parties on the front, while a ceasefire is signed between states. It gives time for the final political organization to remove the causes of the conflict. A peace agreement aims to remove the political causes of the conflict.
In the current situation, an armistice at the line of contact seems inevitable.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
-
Europe2 weeks agoBerlin Left Party backs Israel’s right to exist for coalition pact
-
America2 weeks agoTrump weighs presidential memorandum to cut surging US diesel prices
-
Diplomacy2 weeks agoEU and China reach preliminary deal to curb hybrid car imports
-
Diplomacy1 week agoSWP urges backing for Gulf trade routes bypassing Strait of Hormuz
-
Europe1 week agoLSE study finds post-bailout Greece turned into a cafe economy
-
America2 weeks agoEnergy firms enlist ex-US officials to tap Venezuelan oil
-
America2 weeks agoThiel targets Pope and Obama over AI in new ‘Antichrist’ lectures
-
Europe2 weeks agoRaphaël Glucksmann wins French centre-left presidential primary
