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The Gaza war is far from over

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On October 15, the office of Israeli Defense Minister Katz threatened that if the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) did not abide by the terms of the ceasefire, Israel would resume military operations. On the same day, U.S. President Trump declared that if Hamas did not disarm on its own, “we will disarm them.” What Israel meant was that after Hamas released, as agreed, the last 20 living detainees, it had not yet fully handed over the bodies of the deceased; what the United States meant was Hamas’s refusal to completely lay down its weapons in the future.

Israel’s demand is the first-phase goal of the U.S.–Israel side, while the U.S. demand is the second-phase claim of the U.S.–Israel side. Only one week after Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu together with Trump announced in Jerusalem that “the Gaza war has ended” and ostentatiously convened an “Egypt Peace Summit,” Trump impatiently slapped himself in the face, betrayed the promise of peace, prepared to restart the Gaza fighting, and even threatened to have U.S. forces take the field in person.

Israel has left heavy forces in Gaza ready to move, and it and Hamas accuse each other of not abiding by the first-phase terms of the ceasefire. Together with Trump’s show of force on Israel’s behalf, this indicates that the Gaza fighting, delayed for two years, is far from over.

These latest war remarks came one week after Trump missed out on the Nobel Peace Prize he longed for, fully proving that he has never been a lover, maker, or keeper of peace, but a fame-seeking and inconsistent war-monger, the absolute defender of Israel’s security interests, the supplier of ammunition and fuel to Israel’s war machine that ravages the Middle East, especially the Gaza Strip, and also the initiator of provoking conflict between the United States and Iran. Sincere thanks are due to the Nobel Peace Committee; it still has conscience and a bottom line and did not give the Peace Prize to this White House master who brags that he “ended seven wars.”

Trump is more eager than Netanyahu to disarm Hamas and has also let down Egyptian President Sisi’s award to him of the “Order of the Nile,” representing Egypt’s highest honor. Sisi’s “commendation” of Trump’s so-called peacemaking efforts now appears to have only paused the flames of war and allowed Hamas and Israel to complete the limited goal of a “prisoner exchange,” essentially bailing out the Netanyahu government. By getting back the surviving detainees and the bodies of the dead and easing domestic anti-war pressure, the Netanyahu government could in the second phase act against Hamas without scruple, set about completely eliminating Hamas’s armed forces, let Gaza once again sink into a sea of blood, and allow Palestinians to continue to suffer slaughter in a genocidal process in which 75,000 have died and nearly 200,000 have been maimed.

Trump’s latest war threat has also humiliated many leaders in the Western, Arab, and Islamic worlds who took the stage for him, supported him, and applauded, because the so-called Egypt Peace Summit was nothing but a “political catwalk.” Thankfully, calm observers all understand that the slogan “the Gaza war has ended” is only a pause mark at the two-year node since the outbreak of the “Sixth Middle East War,” a brief intermission in Gaza’s long war, a double act by Trump and Netanyahu: letting Israel use the prisoner-exchange opportunity to adjust military and readiness deployments, win more public support, and continue by means of war to eliminate a Hamas that insists on armed struggle or to leave room for a Hamas that surrenders and hands over its weapons, thereby completing the established strategic goals of “de-Hamasification, demilitarization, and de-extremization.”

In the coastal areas of the Gaza Strip where the Israeli occupation forces have slightly pulled back and somewhat loosened controls, Hamas resurfaced like an “indestructible cockroach” and took to the streets. Its armed members not only safely, orderly, and efficiently brought out from deeply concealed tunnels and returned the 20 living Israeli detainees and successively handed over nine bodies of the dead; they also began to restore comprehensive control over the Gaza Strip, demonstrating that they are the legitimate and sole rulers of this land of slaughter. These measures include but are not limited to: clearing the ruins of war, organizing the distribution of humanitarian supplies, ordering civilian armed groups to turn in their weapons, hunting down those who loot in times of chaos, publicly executing “traitors” who had cooperated with Israel, and even, on the pretext of settling accounts with “traitors,” wiping out new agents supported by Israel.

According to Xinhua News Agency, on October 16, Hamas representatives in Cairo discussed with Egyptian officials post-war security issues in the Gaza Strip and matters such as implementing a ceasefire agreement with Israel, including deploying 1,000 Palestinian security personnel who had been trained in Egypt and Jordan to maintain order in the Gaza Strip under the supervision of the Palestinian National Authority, as well as issues such as Hamas possibly withdrawing from Gaza’s security institutions and disarming in accordance with the U.S. “20-point plan.”

After the Trump administration introduced the “20-point plan” peace proposal and forced the Israeli government to accept it, Hamas, which was bearing all the pressure, announced very flexibly that it would cooperate immediately and stated that it would not seek to participate in the post-war governance of Gaza, but it resolutely refused to lay down its arms, saying this is a national right to resist illegal occupation. This alone means that Hamas and the United States and Israel have formed structural and irreconcilable contradictions, and it also means that the Gaza conflict will inevitably restart as the first phase of the ceasefire agreement ends, namely upon completion of the “prisoner exchange.” The heavily armed Israeli forces, which still control 53% of the Gaza Strip’s area, will launch a final general offensive against Hamas’s remaining forces, and may even receive assistance from U.S. troops.

At the beginning of the “Al-Aqsa Flood” sweeping Israel, Israel’s intelligence services estimated that Hamas had about 20,000 combatants. After two years of war, only then did the remaining Israelis held in detention regain freedom, and Hamas’s guerrilla warfare amid the ruins never ceased, indicating that Hamas still has a considerable force size and resilience; it can even be said that Israel has not completely destroyed Hamas’s labyrinthine tunnel-warfare system. According to reports, during this ceasefire Hamas mobilized as many as 7,000 armed personnel to maintain order in the streets, while how many fighters it actually has who can go into battle is likely difficult to grasp accurately even for Israel’s all-seeing intelligence services.

The chaotic state caused by “unknown enemy conditions,” the wartime pattern of Hamas hiding its forces among the people, and the ground form of “jungle warfare” with mountains of ruins all indicate that Israel’s future strategic general offensive against the Gaza Strip will be extremely brutal, meaning that Hamas—which dealt heavy blows to the “world’s fourth military power” and, within a limited airspace, confronted and maneuvered against it for two years to create a “military miracle” for a non-state actor—will face even more unrestrained, three-dimensional, annihilating strikes from Israel.

However, Hamas is not the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, which is based on secularism and nationalism and, after decades of bloody struggle, finally announced it would abandon the claim of national independence and was willing to surrender and disarm to the central government, because the Kurdish issue in Turkey is, after all, a domestic political issue, a minority-rights issue. Hamas, by contrast, is a legitimate resistance organization founded on the bases of theocracy and nationalism. It represents an occupied people whose ancestral land and generational lawful rights have been seized by an alien ethnicity through war and aggression, and it possesses a very strong anti-Israel public-opinion base and a cultural gene of resistance.

Therefore, since its establishment in 1987, sacrificing one’s life for religious faith and national rights has been the entire mission and reason for being of Hamas members. Over 38 years, few core Hamas cadres have clung to life or turned back to “seek” the shore, let alone defected or joined the enemy; on the contrary, most Hamas members have died for the cause, one after another. At the same time, Hamas’s public-opinion base has shifted from thin and marginal to solid and central; its strength has repeatedly been encircled and struck by Israel yet has grown larger the more it fights and stronger with each battle, with supporters and participants cut down in one crop only to grow back in the next.

For this reason, a “Hamas-ization” has appeared as a feature of the times in Palestinian society: in 2007 the Gaza Strip saw a change of regime and became “Hamastan”; the West Bank, which had long been the base and headquarters of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Fatah), has also come close to falling into Hamas’s hands; a certain Fatah cadre even turned to Hamas after leaving an Israeli prison; and Palestine has not held general elections for many years, one important reason being that every poll shows Hamas winning handily, while Fatah, the long-time competitor that has controlled the PLO for more than 40 years, cannot match it.

Even though the “Al-Aqsa Flood” attack brought an inhuman catastrophe to the Palestinians, especially in the Gaza Strip, Palestinians still do not believe that Hamas bears political and moral responsibility. On the contrary, Palestinians who identify with Hamas’s line and strategy still make up the majority, while Fatah, which advocates compromising with Israel and seeking negotiations to resolve disputes, remains at a disadvantage in public opinion.

Based on a comprehensive analysis of recent overseas sources and credible polling data, Palestinian public favorability toward the “Al-Aqsa Flood” attack and confidence that Hamas will win the war are both continuing to decline. But most still believe that the attack and the subsequent “Sixth Middle East War” made the Palestinian issue the focus of global attention. This precisely shows that this war is a political and public-opinion victory for Hamas and even for Palestine, won by Hamas through suicidal resistance and at the cost of the Palestinian people paying a “purgatorial calamity.”

Related polls show that the overwhelming majority of Palestinians oppose Hamas disarming, do not believe that releasing hostages can end the war, and even think Hamas will continue to control Gaza after the war. Even if in Gaza’s demonstrations supporters and opponents of Hamas are roughly half and half, most people believe outside forces are involved. Although Hamas’s popularity once dipped, Fatah has not become more popular. Palestinian support for the “two-state solution” has not changed, but in terms of means, armed struggle is declining and negotiation is rising, while armed struggle is still the preferred way to establish an independent State of Palestine.

Most Palestinians believe the United States and Israel bear primary responsibility for Gaza’s worsening humanitarian disaster. Palestinians who support the “Al-Aqsa Flood” attack do not necessarily mean they support Hamas, nor do they support any killings or atrocities against civilians. A slim majority of Palestinians want a ceasefire as soon as possible, and most still think Hamas is the winner and will yet prevail. The idea of deploying Arab security forces in Gaza to assist the Palestinian Authority’s security forces is opposed by nearly two-thirds of Palestinians.

Moreover, although Gazans have mixed feelings toward Hamas, the vast majority believe that releasing hostages and disarming Hamas will not necessarily bring Israeli withdrawal and peace, and therefore they oppose Hamas disarming or its military leaders leaving Gaza. Most importantly, although Palestinian satisfaction with Hamas continued to decline during the war, it is still clearly higher than satisfaction with the Palestinian Authority, Fatah, and its leader Abbas.

These complex Palestinian polling results show that even if Israel exhausts all its strength, it cannot eradicate Hamas unless it exterminates or expels all 2.3 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and 3.4 million in the West Bank. From this perspective, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict cannot be ended through violence and war, but only through a “two-state solution.”

On October 16, Palestinian Prime Minister Mustafa announced that Egypt would hold a Gaza reconstruction conference in November and said that restoring effective governance and administration of the Gaza Strip is very important. The key now is that the future of the Gaza Strip will be decided not by Egypt and the Palestinian National Authority, but by Israel, the United States, and Hamas. Before Hamas accepts demilitarization, war will be inevitable, because this concerns the survival of Israel’s coalition government and Netanyahu’s political future and even personal freedom.

If the claims by Trump and Netanyahu that “the Gaza war is over” do not count, and the Egypt Peace Summit witnessed by Trump and leaders of more than 20 other countries cannot guarantee peace in Gaza, then how can a Gaza reconstruction conference be convened, and even if convened, what could it achieve? (Researcher Li Xinggang of the Institute for Mediterranean Studies, Zhejiang International Studies University, also contributed to this article and is hereby thanked.)

Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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