EUROPE
The German economy: Is Europe’s economic flagship falling apart?
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Germany’s Green Economy Minister Robert Habeck issued an unusual warning last month. If Ukraine’s gas transit agreement with Russia was not extended after it expires at the end of next year, Germany would be forced to reduce or even shut down its industrial capacity.
Also deputy chancellor, Habeck delivered the stark warning at an economic conference in eastern Germany. The venue was significant: The Alternative for Germany (AfD) seemed to be in the lead among eastern voters, and one of the main things that attracted voters to the party was the fact that the ‘German economic miracle’ had not really worked there. According to Habeck, policymakers should avoid ‘making the same mistake again’ by assuming that the economy would not be affected without measures to secure energy supplies.
Growth data: Alarm bells ring in the manufacturing sector
It is widely accepted that Germany, Europe’s number one economically, is in a difficult situation due to the war in Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, the energy crisis and ‘protectionist’ policies in the US.
For example, the German economy has technically been in recession for two quarters consecutively. According to data released today (July 24), the German Composite PMI Manufacturing Index declined for the third consecutive month, falling to 48.3 from 50.6 in June. The index entered the contraction zone below 50 for the first time since January. Manufacturing production levels fell at the fastest pace since May 2020 as demand for goods fell sharply.
The service sector also lost momentum, with growth hitting a five-month low. Across the sector, new business declined again, leading to the sharpest drop in total new business inflows in more than three years. Customer hesitancy, destocking, high inflation and rising interest rates are cited as factors contributing to the decline in demand for both goods and services.
The pace of job growth across the private sector in Germany slowed significantly in July and the overall rate of job creation was the weakest in almost two and a half years. Hiring slowed in the service sector, while payrolls in the manufacturing sector fell marginally.
The unemployment rate is likely to continue to rise as manufacturing employment declined and the service sector reduced hiring. Moreover, the service sector experienced an increase in input and output prices in July, postponing hopes for a rapid slowdown in inflation until next spring. The manufacturing sector, on the other hand, saw a moderation in the increase in input costs.
Industry lobby pessimistic
It is clear that German industrialists are making the most noise in the debate on ‘deindustrialization’ in Germany.
The Federation of German Industries (BDI), for example, says that not only large companies but also SMEs are planning to move some of their operations outside Germany.
“Many businesses headquartered in Germany are doing well globally, but they are struggling with operations at home,” BDI President Siegfried Russwurm told CNBC, citing “bureaucracy and slow management” as additional pressures companies face in the current climate. Russwurm said that the German economy will also be flat in 2023, with his country ‘lagging behind’ if global GDP grows by 2.3 percent.
Automotive sector shrinks
Things are not going well in the automotive sector, perhaps Germany’s most important industry.
The sector has shrunk significantly compared to the pre-COVID-19 period. According to data cited by Handelsblatt, Volkswagen, Audi, BMW and Mercedes-Benz alone produced half a million fewer passenger cars on their continent between January and May 2023 compared to the same period in 2019. This corresponds to a decline of almost 20 percent.
COVID-19 lockdowns and a shortage of semiconductors and wiring harnesses had slowed car production between 2020 and 2022. At that time, demand exceeded supply, and manufacturers were able to charge high prices and compensate for production losses with the help of short-term pandemic allowances.
After the pandemic, supply chains were now considered to be largely intact. The industry therefore expected a strong rebound in production for 2023. However, the latest data suggests that this expectation was too optimistic.
Chinese competition throws Germans off balance
The rapid entry of China, the new player in the automotive sector, into the European market is also worrying Germany. Last October, a deal made by the German car rental company Sixt worried the Germans: Sixt signed a deal not with a European or German company, but with the Chinese carmaker BYD to buy 100,000 electric cars in the coming years.
News that Chinese carmakers such as BYD and NIO have started selling their vehicles in European markets has raised questions about the future of German manufacturers. Last May, for example, Germany’s largest tabloid, BILD, headlined “Chinese cars flood Europe,” referring to the rapidly growing market shares of the new suppliers.
There are no German companies among the top 10 companies dominating the electric car market in China. The share of German companies in the world’s largest automotive market is still 19 percent, but when it comes to electric vehicles, it is around 5 percent.
In fact, a survey conducted by the Association of German Engineers (VDI) and published on May 25 revealed that 55% of Germans do not think that “the best cars will still come out of Germany in 10 or 15 years”.
Only 12% said they thought this was definitely the case, while 33% said they believed it was likely but not certain.
The gap between inward and outward investment is widening
A decline in manufacturing, slowing consumer spending and weak export growth, combined with high inflation and rising borrowing costs, have caused the German economy to shrink in the last two quarters.
Added to this are investment problems. Citing OECD data, the Cologne-based German Economic Institute said the gap between German companies’ outward investment and inward business investment in 2022 will be the largest on record.
Germany’s ability to attract business investment fell sharply last year. More than 135 billion euros in foreign direct investment (FDI) went abroad, while only 10.5 billion euros came into the country.
The institute’s report says that 70 percent of German companies’ outward investments went to other European countries, making “the collapse of investment in European neighbors particularly worrying. According to the Institute, many of Germany’s problems are related to its own internal failures: high corporate taxes, excessive bureaucracy and poor infrastructure. We note for the moment that these findings are perfectly in line with the criticisms coming from Europe’s ‘libertarian’ right-wing movements.
US ‘declaration of war’
The warnings of a politician belonging to the Greens, one of the most prominent defenders of American interests in Germany, may seem strange, but Habeck’s warnings did not stop with his words at the beginning of this article.
“[Americans] want to own semiconductors, they want the solar industry, they want the hydrogen industry, they want electrolyzers,” he told a conference in June, and said of the government subsidies the Biden administration has introduced under the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), “It’s like a declaration of war.”
If the Financial Times (FT) is to be believed, calls for retaliation against the US are growing in Germany. A senior German official told the FT, “People came to the WTO. So I said: we are in the middle of a war. Now is not the time to fight with our biggest ally,” he told the FT.
‘Deindustrialization’ or ‘recalibration’?
When it comes to ‘green transformation’ and ‘independence from China and Russia’, it is inevitable that the Euro-Atlantic world, led by the US, will make a political move.
There is a major restructuring going hand in hand with monopolization: The unity of state-economy is being reinforced and the lines between capital and the state are blurring.
German Green Minister Habeck made this point very clearly at the BDI Industry Day conference: “In my view, Germany is an attractive location for both new and existing companies. Of course, the materials industries are under pressure as a result of high energy prices, but there are political decisions to be made.”
At this point in the world capitalist system, we are once again entering a period of intensified ‘political economy’. Statements by US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde have signaled that a global economic policy dependent on ‘geopolitical’ goals is on the horizon.
Germany is part of this world and the implementer of a series of political decisions ranging from ‘green transformation’ to ‘de-risking’. Indeed, initial anger at the US IRA has given way to ‘keeping up’. The EU, Japan and South Korea have introduced subsidies for the technology and clean energy sectors to attract new investment or prevent more companies from moving to the US. “If we don’t keep up, they will have [key sectors] and we won’t,” Habeck said. That’s the bitter truth,” Habeck said, suggesting that even an acceptance is accompanied by ambition. Both German monopolies and foreign companies with manufacturing investments in Germany are warning Berlin and Brussels to create an alternative to the IRA. The new stage of monopoly-state integration does not necessarily entail ‘deindustrialization’: ‘traditional’ industries are declining, while ‘new-green’ industries are growing with state subsidies. Gunter Erfurt, CEO of Meyer Burger, a Swiss solar technology company with three factories in eastern Germany, praised the IRA and its subsidies for clean technology companies, saying: “Unlike us Europeans, Americans have realized that solar technology is not just a commodity that you can buy from a random supplier at the best price, it risks becoming a plaything of geopolitics. Everyone needs it for the energy transition.”
Indeed, in May, Swedish battery maker Northvolt committed to building its next factory in Germany after Berlin pledged to pour hundreds of millions of euros into the project. The US and the IRA almost won this race. But Berlin managed to hold on to the Swedish giant with the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF), which turned out to be not so temporary after all. The TCTF framework is now also being used to help solar companies. At the end of June, Habeck’s ministry asked for declarations of intent for a new subsidy program for companies planning to manufacture solar modules or components or process the critical raw materials needed to make them.
Also in May, the German government announced plans to set aside about 4 billion euros ($4.4 billion) each year to subsidize electricity prices for energy-intensive industries in an effort to protect some businesses from high costs. Habeck says they want to keep industry in Germany, and the electricity subsidies are aimed at that.
German companies can profit from ‘green transformation’
German central bank governor Joachim Nagel also said on April 13 that Germany’s energy crisis was ‘more or less solved’ and that the country had the ‘inner strength’ to recover from the double shock of the pandemic and the war in Ukraine.
“German industry has a good capacity to deal with the situation … and I believe they will overcome it and get back to the levels we saw before the pandemic,” Nagel said.
What’s more, Europe’s ‘green tech’ exports, while still behind China, are still ahead of the US. Germany, too, appears to be on its way to catching up with the US (its global export market share of ‘low carbon technologies’ is around 12 percent, compared to around 14 percent in the US). It should also be noted that German companies entering the US market stand to gain.
We should especially note the comfort of machine builders and equipment manufacturers. New factories are being built all over the US thanks to IRA subsidies. It is very difficult to build a factory in North America without European equipment and especially German machinery.
One of the beneficiaries is ebm-papst, a manufacturer of motors and ventilation systems based in Mulfingen in southwest Germany. The IRA has boosted demand for the company’s cooling fans for electric vehicle chargers and megapack battery storage systems.
“The IRA is an opportunity for everyone,” says Mark Shiring, CEO of the Americas for ebm-papst’s Air Technology Division. His company is poised to benefit from the planned rollout of high-speed electric vehicle chargers across the US.
German financial power ready for incentives
Germany and Europe are lagging behind the United States in this regard, but the expansion of subsidy schemes and the loosening of bureaucracy are likely, especially in a country as financially strong and export-dependent as Germany. US chip giant Intel has announced plans to invest 17 billion euros in two new factories in the eastern German city of Magdeburg. The German government had promised to subsidize the project to the tune of €6.8 billion. Intel then asked for more, citing high energy costs. And it got what it asked for: The government agreed to increase the subsidy level to 9.9 billion euros, and Intel announced that it was increasing its investment volume from 17 billion euros to 30 billion euros.
Before the 2000s, Germany was already being called the ‘sick man of Europe’ because of low growth rates and high unemployment. It is clear that part of the clamor for ‘deindustrialization’ or ‘economic decline’ comes from the ‘left-behind’ sectors of capital. Moreover, with the war in Ukraine, the German defense sector has received a significant infusion of blood. Both arms companies and their related industries have been enjoying unprecedented share rallies since February 2022. The EU’s efforts to reorganize its economy according to the war will also accelerate the integration of some monopolies into the state and show that for them ‘deindustrialization’ is not a reality at all.
Those who can be dismissed
For example, Ingeborg Neumann, President of the German Textile Industry Association, said in his speech at the BDI event, “Energy costs, labor shortages, bureaucracy; it is no longer attractive for us to produce in Germany.” First, the share of textiles in the German economy has been declining since 1998. While the sector is still an important source of employment, it could be discarded or outsourced to other nearby countries, for example in Central and Eastern Europe. Second, the problems listed by the sector representative can somehow be solved or mitigated: Re-establishing ties with Russia; attracting migrant labor; restructuring the state to make it easier for capital; new incentives for export markets… Moreover, the fact that export-oriented manufacturers are struggling should not prevent us from seeing the bigger picture: while the German economy has struggled recently, the Dax index, the country’s 40 largest listed companies, has risen by 20% in the past year to an all-time high. The German economy is still dominated by the services sector and this divergence between services and manufacturing is expected to continue.
Chemical conglomerates like BASF are making losses and scaling back their German operations, that’s true. But the divergence itself does not necessarily mean that ‘the economy is doing badly’. For example, Maria Ferraro, Chief Financial Officer at Siemens Energy, said, “We are now seeing a revival in the market with real momentum. We have an overflowing order book,” she said. Spending on R&D is fourth in the world, behind the US, China and Japan. According to the World Patent Office, about a third of all European patents come from Germany. Much of the innovation power is embedded in large companies such as Siemens and Volkswagen and focused on well-established industries. The following sectors stand out in patent applications respectively: Transportation; Electrical machinery, equipment, energy; measurement; mechanical components; computer technology. Compared to other G7 partners, Germany is still a country where the manufacturing industry plays an important role. Bloomberg also points this out in an analysis and points out that the giant German banks still ‘dwarf’ those on Wall Street. The combined market capitalization of Deutsche Bank and Commerzbank is less than a tenth of that of JPMorgan!
The German problem and the AfD
Almost 20 years ago, Germany overcame its reputation as the ‘sick man of Europe’ with an ambitious package of ‘labor market reforms’ that ushered in a period of sustained prosperity, driven by strong demand for its machinery and automobiles, especially from China. Germany exported far more than it bought. Now, the ‘divergence’ from Russia and China signals a new situation. The rise of the AfD can also be explained by the difficulty of ‘exporting Germany’ in adapting to the new world. From the creation of new economic zones within the EU to the ‘controlled dismantling’ of the EU, there are a number of policy proposals to overcome the difficulties on the establishment front. SMEs, the Mittelstand, an important component of the German economy, are the biggest bearers of the cry of ‘deindustrialization’. We will analyze the AfD phenomenon from this perspective in the next article.
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EUROPE
EU leaders convened in Brussels to tackle global and regional challenges
Published
1 day agoon
21/12/2024Ahmetcan Uzlaşık, Brussels
The European Council gathered in Brussels on December 19, 2024, bringing together EU leaders to address a packed agenda of critical issues. The meeting focused on pressing topics, including the war in Ukraine, tensions in the Middle East, and the EU’s evolving role on the global stage.
Discussions also centered on enhancing resilience, improving crisis prevention and response mechanisms, managing migration, and other key matters shaping the Union’s priorities. As usual, the European Council set the path for EU’s global engagement and priorities in the current geopolitical context. Policy analyst Fatin Reşat Durukan shared his perspectives on the European Union’s trajectory for 2025 in an interview with Harici.
Anti-Michel Camp is set
The new European Council President, Antonio Costa ran his first European Council meeting.
Former European Council President Charles Michel had been heavily criticized for his way of organizing the European Council meetings. The new European Council President, Antonio Costa, the former Portuguese Prime Minister, so far casted a spell on the leaders with his way of work. Charles Michel was also known for his rivalry with Commission President Ursula von der Leyen during his tenure.
European Parliament President Roberta Metsola praised European Council President António Costa for his efforts to start meetings on time and streamline summit discussions, allowing leaders to focus on political priorities rather than lengthy text negotiations, a shift she called “quite rare.”
Former European Council President Charles Michel declined an invitation to join a group photo commemorating the Council’s 50th anniversary, according to POLITICO.
The Presidency of the European Council means a lot inside the Brussels Beat, as it sets the strategic direction and has a pivotal role in decision-making in macro matters. The summit was also concerned in that sense as experts indicated that the current political landscape in Europe needs leadership as Germany and France are in political and economic turmoil.
Ukraine Remains Central to EU Discussions
Ukraine remained a central focus of the discussions, as it has been in recent years. The European Council released a separate press release for the conclusions on Ukraine.
Ukrainian President, Volodomyr Zelenskyy had attended the first part of the European Council meeting, on an invitation from the new European Council President.
Speaking alongside European Council President Antonio Costa, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stressed the importance of unity between Europe and the United States to achieve peace in Ukraine, noting that European support would be challenging without U.S. assistance and expressing readiness to engage with President-elect Donald Trump once he takes office. Costa, too, re-affirmed Europe’s commitment to supporting Ukraine, pledging to do “whatever it takes, for as long as necessary,” both during the war and in the peace that follows.
The Ukrainian President also stated that Ukraine needs 19 additional air defense systems to safeguard its energy infrastructure, including nuclear power plants, from Russian missile strikes.
Kaja Kallas, EU’s foreign policy face, emphasized that Russia is not invincible and urged Europe to recognize its own strength, warning that premature negotiations could result in a bad deal for Ukraine. She stressed the need for a strong stance, noting that the world is watching Europe’s response.
The EU leaders then continued their discussion on Ukraine without Zelensky.
“China would be only winner from a EU-US trade war” says Kallas
Upon her arrival, EU’s top diplomat Kaja Kallas warned that China would be the only beneficiary of a trade war between Europe and the United States, emphasizing that such conflicts have no true winners. Responding to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump’s tariff threats, she noted that American citizens would also bear the consequences, urging caution in trade relations.
“In 2025, we need to step up”
At the European Council meeting, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola urged EU leaders to “step up” in 2025 to solidify Europe’s position on the global stage.
Turning to the EU’s broader neighborhood, she warned of Russian interference in Moldova, Georgia, and the Western Balkans, advocating for accelerated enlargement efforts. Metsola celebrated the historic integration of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen Area and underscored the importance of European leadership in addressing crises in Belarus, the Middle East, and Syria. “Now is our moment to step up,” she declared, urging unity and decisive action for Europe.
Leadership void in the EU
Durukan highlighted the significant leadership challenges facing the EU in 2025, particularly stemming from political crises in Germany and France. “Political crises in France and Germany have created a leadership void, making it harder to tackle economic problems. In France, the government collapsed after a no-confidence vote, while in Germany, the coalition broke down, leading to early elections in February 2025. The economic outlook is not great either, with the OECD cutting growth forecasts for Germany and France.The return of Donald Trump as U.S. president adds more complications, with potential trade tensions and shifting global dynamics”, he explained. These disruptions have created a leadership void, complicating the EU’s ability to address broader economic and geopolitical issues.
He also pointed to financial instability, noting that the OECD has cut growth forecasts for Germany and France. “Draghi’s report suggests that the EU needs to invest €750-800 billion annually to stay competitive,” The challenges of implementing such a plan amidst political disagreements might be compelling for the Union.
Despite these obstacles, he acknowledged ongoing efforts to strengthen the EU’s strategic independence, including initiatives like the EU-Mercosur trade agreement and technological leadership. However, he cautioned that political divisions and the rise of far-right parties are eroding confidence in the EU’s unity and global standing. “The coming months will be crucial,” he noted, as the bloc navigates both internal and external pressures.
Ukraine aid sparks future division concerns
On the European Council’s reaffirmation of support for Ukraine, Durukan highlighted the €50 billion aid package for 2024–2027 and plans to allocate €18.1 billion in 2025 as evidence of the EU’s commitment. “The emphasis on ensuring Ukraine’s participation in decisions about its future is a clear message of solidarity,” Durukan said.
However, he pointed to obstacles posed by diverging interests among member states, particularly Hungary’s resistance, as potential stumbling blocks. “The prolonged conflict, economic pressures, and domestic political shifts could further deepen these divisions in the coming months,” Durukan told.
Climate action amidst constraints
The conclusions also stressed on the importance of increasing the number of natural disasters due to climate change and environmental degradation. France and Spain have faced significant challenges in recent months due to natural disasters. The EU has to balance the budgetary constraints and rising defence spendings with its climate goals in 2025.
“The EU is taking decisive steps to achieve its climate goals through legal frameworks such as the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package. In addition, aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by 2030, the EU will implement CBAM starting in 2026, which will introduce a carbon price on imports. This system, therefore, will prevent carbon leakage and promote global climate action,” Durukan explained.
In light of the increasing defence spendings, Durukan, “the EU integrates energy efficiency and renewable energy use in military facilities, thus aligning security with sustainability. Furthermore, the European Scientific Advisory Board on Climate Change will monitor progress and provide independent scientific advice, enhancing transparency”, said Harici.
Looking ahead, he emphasized the importance of the new Commission setting 2040 climate targets and sector-specific roadmaps. “Achieving these goals will require a focus on sustainable competitiveness and just transition reforms to ensure inclusivity and economic viability,” Durukan concluded.
Germany concludes 2024 with unprecedented milestones in the armament and defense industry, solidifying its position as a key global player in military exports and domestic modernization. On Wednesday, the Bundestag Budget Committee approved 38 new armament projects, raising the total to 97—significantly surpassing the 55 projects approved last year.
Additionally, German arms exports reached a historic high, exceeding the 2023 record before the year’s end, now standing at €13.2 billion. For context, this figure was just €4 billion a decade ago.
Ukraine emerged as the largest recipient, accounting for 62% of Germany’s military equipment exports. Other major recipients include Turkey, Israel, India, and strategic Asian partners aiming to reduce reliance on Russian arms. These markets reflect Berlin’s strategy to support allies in the power dynamics against China and Russia.
Domestically, Germany has accelerated modernization across all branches of its armed forces. Highlights include substantial investments in the Bundeswehr’s digitalization, air defense systems, and naval capabilities. Among the notable projects: The procurement of 212CD class submarines jointly developed with Norway, with costs estimated at €4.7 billion. These submarines, optimized for deployment in the North Atlantic, are designed to counter Russia’s Northern Fleet. Construction of F127 air defense frigates at an estimated cost of €15 billion, equipped with Lockheed Martin Canada’s CMS 330 system, promoting “Europeanized” production free from U.S. export restrictions.
While Germany leads in advanced submarine classes, its frigate production reflects a blend of domestic and international systems, underscoring the collaborative nature of European defense manufacturing.
The approved projects span multiple military branches, including rocket artillery, thermal imaging equipment, and IT systems for the “Digitalization of Land Operations” project, Patriot missiles, Iris-T air defense systems, and space surveillance radar for the Air Force, and new data centers and armored vehicles for cyber forces. The 38 new projects alone account for €21 billion, with additional costs anticipated for future phases.
The German arms industry achieved record-breaking exports in 2024, with licenses totaling €13.2 billion by December 17. This marks a 200% increase compared to 2014. Arms deliveries to Ukraine played a pivotal role, with licenses worth €8.1 billion granted in 2024 alone.
Germany’s export strategy reflects its geopolitical alignment. Turkey, despite previously strained relations, ranked fifth in exports with €230.8 million. In Asia, Singapore and South Korea emerged as significant buyers, with licenses valued at €1.218 billion and €256.4 million, respectively. Germany has also deepened ties with India, authorizing licenses worth €437.6 million over the past two years to reduce New Delhi’s reliance on Russian defense supplies.
The Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) has reaffirmed its commitment to withdrawing Germany from the European Union (EU) and the eurozone should it come to power. This proposal, often referred to as ‘Dexit,’ forms a key component of the party’s draft election manifesto, which was distributed to its members ahead of a party conference in early January. The manifesto reiterates a stance initially introduced during the European election campaign in the summer.
The AfD envisions replacing the EU with a “Europe of the homelands,” described as a coalition of sovereign states engaged in a common market and an “economic and interest community.” The party also advocates for Germany to abandon the euro, the shared currency implemented in 2002, proposing instead a so-called “transfer union.”
While the manifesto acknowledges that a sudden departure would be detrimental, it suggests renegotiating Germany’s relationships with both EU member states and other European nations. To further this agenda, the AfD calls for a nationwide referendum on the issue.
Despite the AfD’s ambitions, legal experts point out that leaving the EU would be constitutionally challenging for Germany. Germany’s EU membership is enshrined in its constitution, and any exit would require a two-thirds majority in parliament—a hurdle that makes a unilateral withdrawal virtually impossible.
Even AfD leaders appear divided on the immediacy of a ‘Dexit.’ Co-chairman Tino Chrupalla admitted in February 2024 that it may already be “too late” for Germany to leave the EU, while Alice Weidel, the party’s other co-leader and candidate for chancellor, described Dexit as merely a “Plan B” in a recent Financial Times interview.
The AfD’s proposal has drawn sharp criticism from leading German economic institutions and industry groups. A May study by the German Economic Institute (Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft, IW) warned that leaving the EU could cost Germany €690 billion over five years, reduce GDP by 5.6%, and lead to 2.5 million fewer jobs—economic impacts comparable to the combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the energy crisis.
The German Association of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (Bundesverband mittelständische Wirtschaft, BVMW) was even more scathing, describing the AfD’s plans as an “economic kamikaze mission.”
AfD spokesperson Ronald Gläser dismissed these concerns, arguing that Germany could secure similar benefits through alternative agreements outside the EU framework. Citing Brexit, he suggested that fears of economic disaster were exaggerated: “All the fear scenarios about Brexit went more or less smoothly.”
Gläser contended that Germany’s economic prowess would sustain demand for its products across Europe even outside the EU, pointing to Switzerland’s non-EU membership as a comparable example.
Public sentiment, however, does not align with the AfD’s position. A recent poll by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), affiliated with the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), found that 87% of Germans would vote to remain in the EU if a referendum were held. Despite this, Gläser argued that policy decisions should prioritize what is “necessary and important” over public opinion.
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