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The German economy: Is Europe’s economic flagship falling apart?

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Germany’s Green Economy Minister Robert Habeck issued an unusual warning last month. If Ukraine’s gas transit agreement with Russia was not extended after it expires at the end of next year, Germany would be forced to reduce or even shut down its industrial capacity.

Also deputy chancellor, Habeck delivered the stark warning at an economic conference in eastern Germany. The venue was significant: The Alternative for Germany (AfD) seemed to be in the lead among eastern voters, and one of the main things that attracted voters to the party was the fact that the ‘German economic miracle’ had not really worked there. According to Habeck, policymakers should avoid ‘making the same mistake again’ by assuming that the economy would not be affected without measures to secure energy supplies.

Growth data: Alarm bells ring in the manufacturing sector

It is widely accepted that Germany, Europe’s number one economically, is in a difficult situation due to the war in Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, the energy crisis and ‘protectionist’ policies in the US.

For example, the German economy has technically been in recession for two quarters consecutively. According to data released today (July 24), the German Composite PMI Manufacturing Index declined for the third consecutive month, falling to 48.3 from 50.6 in June. The index entered the contraction zone below 50 for the first time since January. Manufacturing production levels fell at the fastest pace since May 2020 as demand for goods fell sharply.

The service sector also lost momentum, with growth hitting a five-month low. Across the sector, new business declined again, leading to the sharpest drop in total new business inflows in more than three years. Customer hesitancy, destocking, high inflation and rising interest rates are cited as factors contributing to the decline in demand for both goods and services.

The pace of job growth across the private sector in Germany slowed significantly in July and the overall rate of job creation was the weakest in almost two and a half years. Hiring slowed in the service sector, while payrolls in the manufacturing sector fell marginally.

The unemployment rate is likely to continue to rise as manufacturing employment declined and the service sector reduced hiring. Moreover, the service sector experienced an increase in input and output prices in July, postponing hopes for a rapid slowdown in inflation until next spring. The manufacturing sector, on the other hand, saw a moderation in the increase in input costs.

Industry lobby pessimistic

It is clear that German industrialists are making the most noise in the debate on ‘deindustrialization’ in Germany.

The Federation of German Industries (BDI), for example, says that not only large companies but also SMEs are planning to move some of their operations outside Germany.

“Many businesses headquartered in Germany are doing well globally, but they are struggling with operations at home,” BDI President Siegfried Russwurm told CNBC, citing “bureaucracy and slow management” as additional pressures companies face in the current climate. Russwurm said that the German economy will also be flat in 2023, with his country ‘lagging behind’ if global GDP grows by 2.3 percent.

Automotive sector shrinks

Things are not going well in the automotive sector, perhaps Germany’s most important industry.

The sector has shrunk significantly compared to the pre-COVID-19 period. According to data cited by Handelsblatt, Volkswagen, Audi, BMW and Mercedes-Benz alone produced half a million fewer passenger cars on their continent between January and May 2023 compared to the same period in 2019. This corresponds to a decline of almost 20 percent.

COVID-19 lockdowns and a shortage of semiconductors and wiring harnesses had slowed car production between 2020 and 2022. At that time, demand exceeded supply, and manufacturers were able to charge high prices and compensate for production losses with the help of short-term pandemic allowances.

After the pandemic, supply chains were now considered to be largely intact. The industry therefore expected a strong rebound in production for 2023. However, the latest data suggests that this expectation was too optimistic.

Chinese competition throws Germans off balance

The rapid entry of China, the new player in the automotive sector, into the European market is also worrying Germany. Last October, a deal made by the German car rental company Sixt worried the Germans: Sixt signed a deal not with a European or German company, but with the Chinese carmaker BYD to buy 100,000 electric cars in the coming years.

News that Chinese carmakers such as BYD and NIO have started selling their vehicles in European markets has raised questions about the future of German manufacturers. Last May, for example, Germany’s largest tabloid, BILD, headlined “Chinese cars flood Europe,” referring to the rapidly growing market shares of the new suppliers.

There are no German companies among the top 10 companies dominating the electric car market in China. The share of German companies in the world’s largest automotive market is still 19 percent, but when it comes to electric vehicles, it is around 5 percent.

In fact, a survey conducted by the Association of German Engineers (VDI) and published on May 25 revealed that 55% of Germans do not think that “the best cars will still come out of Germany in 10 or 15 years”.

Only 12% said they thought this was definitely the case, while 33% said they believed it was likely but not certain.

The gap between inward and outward investment is widening

A decline in manufacturing, slowing consumer spending and weak export growth, combined with high inflation and rising borrowing costs, have caused the German economy to shrink in the last two quarters.

Added to this are investment problems. Citing OECD data, the Cologne-based German Economic Institute said the gap between German companies’ outward investment and inward business investment in 2022 will be the largest on record.

Germany’s ability to attract business investment fell sharply last year. More than 135 billion euros in foreign direct investment (FDI) went abroad, while only 10.5 billion euros came into the country.

The institute’s report says that 70 percent of German companies’ outward investments went to other European countries, making “the collapse of investment in European neighbors particularly worrying. According to the Institute, many of Germany’s problems are related to its own internal failures: high corporate taxes, excessive bureaucracy and poor infrastructure. We note for the moment that these findings are perfectly in line with the criticisms coming from Europe’s ‘libertarian’ right-wing movements.

US ‘declaration of war’

The warnings of a politician belonging to the Greens, one of the most prominent defenders of American interests in Germany, may seem strange, but Habeck’s warnings did not stop with his words at the beginning of this article.

“[Americans] want to own semiconductors, they want the solar industry, they want the hydrogen industry, they want electrolyzers,” he told a conference in June, and said of the government subsidies the Biden administration has introduced under the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), “It’s like a declaration of war.”

If the Financial Times (FT) is to be believed, calls for retaliation against the US are growing in Germany. A senior German official told the FT, “People came to the WTO. So I said: we are in the middle of a war. Now is not the time to fight with our biggest ally,” he told the FT.

‘Deindustrialization’ or ‘recalibration’?

When it comes to ‘green transformation’ and ‘independence from China and Russia’, it is inevitable that the Euro-Atlantic world, led by the US, will make a political move.

There is a major restructuring going hand in hand with monopolization: The unity of state-economy is being reinforced and the lines between capital and the state are blurring.

German Green Minister Habeck made this point very clearly at the BDI Industry Day conference: “In my view, Germany is an attractive location for both new and existing companies. Of course, the materials industries are under pressure as a result of high energy prices, but there are political decisions to be made.”

At this point in the world capitalist system, we are once again entering a period of intensified ‘political economy’. Statements by US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde have signaled that a global economic policy dependent on ‘geopolitical’ goals is on the horizon.

Germany is part of this world and the implementer of a series of political decisions ranging from ‘green transformation’ to ‘de-risking’. Indeed, initial anger at the US IRA has given way to ‘keeping up’. The EU, Japan and South Korea have introduced subsidies for the technology and clean energy sectors to attract new investment or prevent more companies from moving to the US. “If we don’t keep up, they will have [key sectors] and we won’t,” Habeck said. That’s the bitter truth,” Habeck said, suggesting that even an acceptance is accompanied by ambition. Both German monopolies and foreign companies with manufacturing investments in Germany are warning Berlin and Brussels to create an alternative to the IRA. The new stage of monopoly-state integration does not necessarily entail ‘deindustrialization’: ‘traditional’ industries are declining, while ‘new-green’ industries are growing with state subsidies. Gunter Erfurt, CEO of Meyer Burger, a Swiss solar technology company with three factories in eastern Germany, praised the IRA and its subsidies for clean technology companies, saying: “Unlike us Europeans, Americans have realized that solar technology is not just a commodity that you can buy from a random supplier at the best price, it risks becoming a plaything of geopolitics. Everyone needs it for the energy transition.”

Indeed, in May, Swedish battery maker Northvolt committed to building its next factory in Germany after Berlin pledged to pour hundreds of millions of euros into the project. The US and the IRA almost won this race. But Berlin managed to hold on to the Swedish giant with the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF), which turned out to be not so temporary after all. The TCTF framework is now also being used to help solar companies. At the end of June, Habeck’s ministry asked for declarations of intent for a new subsidy program for companies planning to manufacture solar modules or components or process the critical raw materials needed to make them.

Also in May, the German government announced plans to set aside about 4 billion euros ($4.4 billion) each year to subsidize electricity prices for energy-intensive industries in an effort to protect some businesses from high costs. Habeck says they want to keep industry in Germany, and the electricity subsidies are aimed at that.

German companies can profit from ‘green transformation’

German central bank governor Joachim Nagel also said on April 13 that Germany’s energy crisis was ‘more or less solved’ and that the country had the ‘inner strength’ to recover from the double shock of the pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

“German industry has a good capacity to deal with the situation … and I believe they will overcome it and get back to the levels we saw before the pandemic,” Nagel said.

What’s more, Europe’s ‘green tech’ exports, while still behind China, are still ahead of the US. Germany, too, appears to be on its way to catching up with the US (its global export market share of ‘low carbon technologies’ is around 12 percent, compared to around 14 percent in the US). It should also be noted that German companies entering the US market stand to gain.

We should especially note the comfort of machine builders and equipment manufacturers. New factories are being built all over the US thanks to IRA subsidies. It is very difficult to build a factory in North America without European equipment and especially German machinery.

One of the beneficiaries is ebm-papst, a manufacturer of motors and ventilation systems based in Mulfingen in southwest Germany. The IRA has boosted demand for the company’s cooling fans for electric vehicle chargers and megapack battery storage systems.

“The IRA is an opportunity for everyone,” says Mark Shiring, CEO of the Americas for ebm-papst’s Air Technology Division. His company is poised to benefit from the planned rollout of high-speed electric vehicle chargers across the US.

German financial power ready for incentives

Germany and Europe are lagging behind the United States in this regard, but the expansion of subsidy schemes and the loosening of bureaucracy are likely, especially in a country as financially strong and export-dependent as Germany. US chip giant Intel has announced plans to invest 17 billion euros in two new factories in the eastern German city of Magdeburg. The German government had promised to subsidize the project to the tune of €6.8 billion. Intel then asked for more, citing high energy costs. And it got what it asked for: The government agreed to increase the subsidy level to 9.9 billion euros, and Intel announced that it was increasing its investment volume from 17 billion euros to 30 billion euros.

Before the 2000s, Germany was already being called the ‘sick man of Europe’ because of low growth rates and high unemployment. It is clear that part of the clamor for ‘deindustrialization’ or ‘economic decline’ comes from the ‘left-behind’ sectors of capital. Moreover, with the war in Ukraine, the German defense sector has received a significant infusion of blood. Both arms companies and their related industries have been enjoying unprecedented share rallies since February 2022. The EU’s efforts to reorganize its economy according to the war will also accelerate the integration of some monopolies into the state and show that for them ‘deindustrialization’ is not a reality at all.

Those who can be dismissed

For example, Ingeborg Neumann, President of the German Textile Industry Association, said in his speech at the BDI event, “Energy costs, labor shortages, bureaucracy; it is no longer attractive for us to produce in Germany.” First, the share of textiles in the German economy has been declining since 1998. While the sector is still an important source of employment, it could be discarded or outsourced to other nearby countries, for example in Central and Eastern Europe. Second, the problems listed by the sector representative can somehow be solved or mitigated: Re-establishing ties with Russia; attracting migrant labor; restructuring the state to make it easier for capital; new incentives for export markets… Moreover, the fact that export-oriented manufacturers are struggling should not prevent us from seeing the bigger picture: while the German economy has struggled recently, the Dax index, the country’s 40 largest listed companies, has risen by 20% in the past year to an all-time high. The German economy is still dominated by the services sector and this divergence between services and manufacturing is expected to continue.

Chemical conglomerates like BASF are making losses and scaling back their German operations, that’s true. But the divergence itself does not necessarily mean that ‘the economy is doing badly’. For example, Maria Ferraro, Chief Financial Officer at Siemens Energy, said, “We are now seeing a revival in the market with real momentum. We have an overflowing order book,” she said. Spending on R&D is fourth in the world, behind the US, China and Japan. According to the World Patent Office, about a third of all European patents come from Germany. Much of the innovation power is embedded in large companies such as Siemens and Volkswagen and focused on well-established industries. The following sectors stand out in patent applications respectively: Transportation; Electrical machinery, equipment, energy; measurement; mechanical components; computer technology. Compared to other G7 partners, Germany is still a country where the manufacturing industry plays an important role. Bloomberg also points this out in an analysis and points out that the giant German banks still ‘dwarf’ those on Wall Street. The combined market capitalization of Deutsche Bank and Commerzbank is less than a tenth of that of JPMorgan!

The German problem and the AfD

Almost 20 years ago, Germany overcame its reputation as the ‘sick man of Europe’ with an ambitious package of ‘labor market reforms’ that ushered in a period of sustained prosperity, driven by strong demand for its machinery and automobiles, especially from China. Germany exported far more than it bought. Now, the ‘divergence’ from Russia and China signals a new situation. The rise of the AfD can also be explained by the difficulty of ‘exporting Germany’ in adapting to the new world. From the creation of new economic zones within the EU to the ‘controlled dismantling’ of the EU, there are a number of policy proposals to overcome the difficulties on the establishment front. SMEs, the Mittelstand, an important component of the German economy, are the biggest bearers of the cry of ‘deindustrialization’. We will analyze the AfD phenomenon from this perspective in the next article.

EUROPE

F-35 debate intensifies across Germany and Europe

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The debate over a potential withdrawal from the US F-35 fighter jet program is heating up in Germany and other European countries.

The background to this is that the jet can only be used with the approval of the US government, and restrictive provisions, for example regarding spare parts and software, make it impossible to escape dependence on the US in military operations with the F-35.

In Berlin, former “transatlanticists” in particular are pushing for withdrawal from the F-35 procurement program to achieve military independence.

Last week, a copy of the purchase agreement for the 35 F-35 fighter jets that Berlin decided to procure in March 2022 was leaked to the German magazine Stern. Details of the framework conditions for the purchase, which will cost €8.3 billion, thus emerged.

This purchase is being handled as part of the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) process, which is subject to strict rules. The F-35 purchase agreement grants Washington the authority to “terminate or suspend performance in whole or in part” without further notice “if required by the national interests of the US.” This means the US can unilaterally change the delivery time and quantity at any time. Contractual penalties are generally not provided for in the FMS procedure; legal recourse is excluded.

Once an F-35 fighter jet is delivered, no further modifications are permitted; spare parts and regularly required software updates are only available from the US manufacturer Lockheed Martin. According to the wording in the purchase agreement, “The customer is not authorized to carry out repair and maintenance work beyond the unit maintenance level.” This already guarantees that the German Air Force’s F-35s will only fly when the US administration wants them to.

Furthermore, the F-35’s basic software is kept secret. Therefore, it is impossible to check whether the jet can be influenced externally, but many assume this is possible. Data generated during operation, and especially during any mission, is collected and subsequently stored on Amazon Web Services, making it easily accessible to US authorities.

Finally, the US Foreign Assistance Act allows the US to “monitor the end-use” of the F-35 “at any time.” A “well-informed” source told the magazine Stern, claiming, “Targets, routes, indirectly tactics… US technicians are always on the plane.” An insider with “intelligence service knowledge” also explicitly confirmed this to the magazine, stating that “all mission planning is monitored in the US.”

Since last week, calls have been growing louder in Europe to avoid procuring F-35 jets if possible, or to withdraw from the agreement if a contract has already been signed. This was triggered on the one hand by the Trump administration’s decision to prohibit Ukraine from using US satellite data, and on the other hand by Washington’s continued efforts to acquire the autonomous Danish territory of Greenland.

For example, Danish conservative MP Rasmus Jarlov stated on X that he now regrets supporting Denmark’s decision to purchase 27 F-35 jets for its air force. Jarlov said, “I can imagine a situation where the US demands Greenland from Denmark and threatens to disable our weapons.” Jarlov argued that Copenhagen would then no longer be in a position to defend itself, making the purchase of US weapons “a security risk we cannot take.” He contended that Denmark will invest heavily in armaments in the coming years and should avoid American weapons wherever possible.

Some NATO countries are now considering abandoning the F-35. For example, Canada plans to withdraw from the F-35 purchase, but has already paid for 16 fighter jets due to be delivered early next year. According to Defense Minister Nuno Melo, Portugal, which previously planned to buy the US fighter jet, is also changing its mind. The French company Dassault Aviation has now offered to supply Rafale jets to the Portuguese government.

The Rafale is a fourth-generation fighter jet, unlike the fifth-generation F-35, but it is cheaper and requires no US components, thus offering independence from the US. French President Emmanuel Macron argued on March 16 that European countries should, in principle, switch from the F-35 to the Rafale; furthermore, the new Franco-Italian SAMP/T air defense system could be used instead of the US Patriot air defense system.

One challenge stems from the fact that a number of European NATO countries, such as the United Kingdom, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Italy, already possess F-35 jets. Many other countries, including officially neutral Switzerland, have placed binding orders for the aircraft.

Conflicting voices are also rising in Germany. Former “transatlanticists” in particular are distancing themselves from the F-35 procurement. Former Airbus CEO Thomas Enders, now president of the influential think tank German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), said last week, “Nobody needs the F-35”; Enders added that he “would be the first to cancel it under these new geopolitical conditions.” CDU foreign policy expert Roderich Kiesewetter also called for a “review of existing contracts with the US,” such as the F-35 purchase agreement, stating, “It is now absolutely essential to look for alternatives.”

Defense Minister Boris Pistorius, however, favors continuing with the F-35 purchase. One of the reasons he cites for this is nuclear sharing, whereby German Air Force fighter jets could drop US nuclear bombs in a war scenario. Observers note that dropping US nuclear bombs is already only possible on orders from Washington, making it irrelevant whether the F-35s could be paralyzed by the US as long as they are available solely for nuclear sharing. However, nuclear sharing itself is no longer considered secure.

Berlin has already transferred approximately $2.42 billion to Washington for the F-35 and has begun costly modifications at Büchel Air Base, where the US fighter jets are to be stationed.

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AfD aims to expand influence in European Parliament

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Months after the European Parliament (EP) elections, the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) is gradually establishing itself in Brussels and even seeking to expand the parliamentary group it leads.

A series of scandals during the European Parliament elections in June had caused the AfD to distance itself from other right-wing European parties, leading to more isolation in Brussels than ever before.

However, becoming the second strongest party in the recent general elections in Germany at the end of February, along with support from Elon Musk and a bilateral meeting with US Vice President JD Vance, has given the AfD international attention and, at least in some eyes, renewed legitimacy.

The AfD’s newfound prestige is particularly noticeable in the EP, where international cooperation is a daily routine. Once a solitary faction forced to form its own group after the EP elections, the party now wants to expand the European of Sovereign Nations (ESN).

Party sources speaking to Euractiv confirmed that the AfD is in talks with at least two potential new members. Greece’s far-right Niki (Victory) party and Spain’s “anti-establishment” SALF party have recently held discussions with the ESN.

A source close to the negotiations said, “We expect SALF leader Alvise Pérez to join as early as April or May.”

Just a few months ago, the AfD had been sidelined by like-minded colleagues in Brussels, citing espionage investigations and “inflammatory statements.”

Ultimately, the AfD was expelled from the Identity and Democracy (ID) group, the former right-wing group led by Marine Le Pen’s National Rally, who feared that their German friends could cost them votes ahead of the European and French elections.

Without its former allies, the Germans struggled to form their own faction in Brussels because most candidates had found places in more established structures.

Together with another group of right-wing groups, the AfD formed the ESN in the EP.

Subsequently, attitudes toward the AfD and ESN softened, particularly with the support of the Trump administration. Even the French felt compelled to approach the AfD again in Brussels, inviting them, along with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group led by Meloni’s party, to cooperate on issues of common interest.

Leaders of the AfD’s sister party in Austria, the Freedom Party (FPÖ), are also pleased with the end of tensions between the Germans and other right-wing groups.

“I think cooperation is extremely important, and I also think it is extremely important that at some point, perhaps one day, there will be a significant right-wing group in the European Parliament,” said FPÖ MEP Petra Steger to Euractiv on election night in Germany.

The two parties have always been close but recently split into two main groups in the EP: the Patriots for Europe (PfE) and the ESN.

The AfD now wants to stabilize and secure the ESN. “We do not provide information about confidential discussions. But you can be sure that at the end of the legislative period, the parliamentary group will be larger than it is today,” ESN Co-Chair René Aust told Euractiv.

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Calls for German nuclear armament grow louder

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Following some German politicians raising the idea of acquiring nuclear weapons, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), one of the country’s most important newspapers, has launched a campaign advocating for Berlin to possess atomic weapons.

Although Germany renounced nuclear weapons, experts agree that Berlin has the technological capacity to produce its own nuclear weapons in the near future, stating that the necessary technology for uranium enrichment is available at research centers in Jülich and Gronau.

Rainer Moormann, a former employee of the Jülich Research Center, notes that experts believe the construction of a much larger uranium enrichment facility is inevitable, and this would make it possible to produce “the necessary quantity for a few nuclear warheads within three to five years.”

However, delivering nuclear weapons to their targets requires missiles, and Germany is relatively weak in the construction of long-range ballistic missiles.

Nevertheless, it seems possible to produce cruise missiles that could be equipped with nuclear weapons. For example, it is said that Taurus could be used in this way. For this purpose, a maximum period of five years is considered realistic.

The legal and political situation is more challenging. On the one hand, the Federal Republic of Germany ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons on May 2, 1975, albeit with a significant delay. Therefore, if the German government wants to start building its own nuclear weapons, it will first have to terminate the treaty.

From a purely legal point of view, this is possible without further ado, but it is likely to have serious political consequences, as other states may follow Germany’s example and try to obtain nuclear bombs for themselves.

The biggest examples in this regard seem to be Iran, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, and Poland.

On the other hand, the Two Plus Four Agreement, in which the Federal Republic of Germany confirmed its renunciation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons and also accepted the upper limit of 370,000 Bundeswehr military personnel, also constitutes an obstacle to Germany’s nuclear armament.

This treaty cannot be terminated; any changes require the approval of the four allies in World War II and the countries that occupied post-war Germany (US, Britain, France, USSR-Russia).

Ernst-Jörg von Studnitz, one of the former German ambassadors to Russia, recently ruled that the clausula rebus sic stantibus principle of international law could be invoked, according to which treaty provisions can be terminated if the basic conditions under which a treaty was concluded change.

This is the case for Germany because the US nuclear umbrella is no longer considered reliable and there is a possibility of escalating conflict with Russia.

The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) also embraced the essence of this argument in a widely read editorial on Monday. The newspaper argued that there were “good reasons” to speak of the elimination of the basis of the Two Plus Four Agreement and wrote, “A ‘commitment’ that harms the country cannot continue.”

In the headline of the commentary, FAZ argued that Germany “must loosen its old shackles.”

The political turmoil that would result from the termination of the Two Plus Four Agreement could be enormous. The Federal Republic’s possession of nuclear weapons would not only lead to strong reactions from the four former allies, albeit for different reasons.

For example, a large majority of the public still opposes such a plan. However, the results of various polls fluctuate significantly; moreover, the reluctance to a ‘German bomb’ is decreasing.

A Forsa poll conducted about two weeks ago showed that 64% of the population rejected the Federal Republic’s nuclear armament; the proportion of supporters remained at 31%.

But this rate is four points higher than in 2024.

A survey conducted by the public opinion research institute Civey in the same period also concluded that only 48% of the population explicitly rejected a German nuclear bomb. A year ago, this figure was still 57%.

Also, the proportion of those who support Germany’s acquisition of nuclear weapons rose to 38%.

Both polls show that the proportion of those who support Germany’s acquisition of nuclear weapons is much higher among those living in the former Federal Republic of Germany than among those living in the regions of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR).

Two employees of the Helmut Schmidt Federal Armed Forces University in Hamburg, in their article published in FAZ yesterday, argued that the nuclear weapons debate in Germany is “still characterized by moral reflexes and historically transmitted narratives,” probably also taking into account the insufficient public support for increased nuclear armament.

The authors instead call for a “measured reassessment” of the issue. For example, while pointing to the importance of “maintaining state functions even after a nuclear attack,” they write that the current debate should be expanded “to include important aspects of civil defense and social resilience.”

The authors argue that the German people will have to “learn to live with the bomb,” and for this, they point out that “a comprehensive, socio-politically based strategy that integrates the relevant military, political and social dimensions” is needed.

In short, while it is necessary to “persuade its own people” about the necessity of nuclear armament and to bear its consequences, it is emphasized that “traditionally” this task falls to the leading media.

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