Connect with us

EUROPE

The German economy: Is Europe’s economic flagship falling apart?

Published

on

Germany’s Green Economy Minister Robert Habeck issued an unusual warning last month. If Ukraine’s gas transit agreement with Russia was not extended after it expires at the end of next year, Germany would be forced to reduce or even shut down its industrial capacity.

Also deputy chancellor, Habeck delivered the stark warning at an economic conference in eastern Germany. The venue was significant: The Alternative for Germany (AfD) seemed to be in the lead among eastern voters, and one of the main things that attracted voters to the party was the fact that the ‘German economic miracle’ had not really worked there. According to Habeck, policymakers should avoid ‘making the same mistake again’ by assuming that the economy would not be affected without measures to secure energy supplies.

Growth data: Alarm bells ring in the manufacturing sector

It is widely accepted that Germany, Europe’s number one economically, is in a difficult situation due to the war in Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, the energy crisis and ‘protectionist’ policies in the US.

For example, the German economy has technically been in recession for two quarters consecutively. According to data released today (July 24), the German Composite PMI Manufacturing Index declined for the third consecutive month, falling to 48.3 from 50.6 in June. The index entered the contraction zone below 50 for the first time since January. Manufacturing production levels fell at the fastest pace since May 2020 as demand for goods fell sharply.

The service sector also lost momentum, with growth hitting a five-month low. Across the sector, new business declined again, leading to the sharpest drop in total new business inflows in more than three years. Customer hesitancy, destocking, high inflation and rising interest rates are cited as factors contributing to the decline in demand for both goods and services.

The pace of job growth across the private sector in Germany slowed significantly in July and the overall rate of job creation was the weakest in almost two and a half years. Hiring slowed in the service sector, while payrolls in the manufacturing sector fell marginally.

The unemployment rate is likely to continue to rise as manufacturing employment declined and the service sector reduced hiring. Moreover, the service sector experienced an increase in input and output prices in July, postponing hopes for a rapid slowdown in inflation until next spring. The manufacturing sector, on the other hand, saw a moderation in the increase in input costs.

Industry lobby pessimistic

It is clear that German industrialists are making the most noise in the debate on ‘deindustrialization’ in Germany.

The Federation of German Industries (BDI), for example, says that not only large companies but also SMEs are planning to move some of their operations outside Germany.

“Many businesses headquartered in Germany are doing well globally, but they are struggling with operations at home,” BDI President Siegfried Russwurm told CNBC, citing “bureaucracy and slow management” as additional pressures companies face in the current climate. Russwurm said that the German economy will also be flat in 2023, with his country ‘lagging behind’ if global GDP grows by 2.3 percent.

Automotive sector shrinks

Things are not going well in the automotive sector, perhaps Germany’s most important industry.

The sector has shrunk significantly compared to the pre-COVID-19 period. According to data cited by Handelsblatt, Volkswagen, Audi, BMW and Mercedes-Benz alone produced half a million fewer passenger cars on their continent between January and May 2023 compared to the same period in 2019. This corresponds to a decline of almost 20 percent.

COVID-19 lockdowns and a shortage of semiconductors and wiring harnesses had slowed car production between 2020 and 2022. At that time, demand exceeded supply, and manufacturers were able to charge high prices and compensate for production losses with the help of short-term pandemic allowances.

After the pandemic, supply chains were now considered to be largely intact. The industry therefore expected a strong rebound in production for 2023. However, the latest data suggests that this expectation was too optimistic.

Chinese competition throws Germans off balance

The rapid entry of China, the new player in the automotive sector, into the European market is also worrying Germany. Last October, a deal made by the German car rental company Sixt worried the Germans: Sixt signed a deal not with a European or German company, but with the Chinese carmaker BYD to buy 100,000 electric cars in the coming years.

News that Chinese carmakers such as BYD and NIO have started selling their vehicles in European markets has raised questions about the future of German manufacturers. Last May, for example, Germany’s largest tabloid, BILD, headlined “Chinese cars flood Europe,” referring to the rapidly growing market shares of the new suppliers.

There are no German companies among the top 10 companies dominating the electric car market in China. The share of German companies in the world’s largest automotive market is still 19 percent, but when it comes to electric vehicles, it is around 5 percent.

In fact, a survey conducted by the Association of German Engineers (VDI) and published on May 25 revealed that 55% of Germans do not think that “the best cars will still come out of Germany in 10 or 15 years”.

Only 12% said they thought this was definitely the case, while 33% said they believed it was likely but not certain.

The gap between inward and outward investment is widening

A decline in manufacturing, slowing consumer spending and weak export growth, combined with high inflation and rising borrowing costs, have caused the German economy to shrink in the last two quarters.

Added to this are investment problems. Citing OECD data, the Cologne-based German Economic Institute said the gap between German companies’ outward investment and inward business investment in 2022 will be the largest on record.

Germany’s ability to attract business investment fell sharply last year. More than 135 billion euros in foreign direct investment (FDI) went abroad, while only 10.5 billion euros came into the country.

The institute’s report says that 70 percent of German companies’ outward investments went to other European countries, making “the collapse of investment in European neighbors particularly worrying. According to the Institute, many of Germany’s problems are related to its own internal failures: high corporate taxes, excessive bureaucracy and poor infrastructure. We note for the moment that these findings are perfectly in line with the criticisms coming from Europe’s ‘libertarian’ right-wing movements.

US ‘declaration of war’

The warnings of a politician belonging to the Greens, one of the most prominent defenders of American interests in Germany, may seem strange, but Habeck’s warnings did not stop with his words at the beginning of this article.

“[Americans] want to own semiconductors, they want the solar industry, they want the hydrogen industry, they want electrolyzers,” he told a conference in June, and said of the government subsidies the Biden administration has introduced under the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), “It’s like a declaration of war.”

If the Financial Times (FT) is to be believed, calls for retaliation against the US are growing in Germany. A senior German official told the FT, “People came to the WTO. So I said: we are in the middle of a war. Now is not the time to fight with our biggest ally,” he told the FT.

‘Deindustrialization’ or ‘recalibration’?

When it comes to ‘green transformation’ and ‘independence from China and Russia’, it is inevitable that the Euro-Atlantic world, led by the US, will make a political move.

There is a major restructuring going hand in hand with monopolization: The unity of state-economy is being reinforced and the lines between capital and the state are blurring.

German Green Minister Habeck made this point very clearly at the BDI Industry Day conference: “In my view, Germany is an attractive location for both new and existing companies. Of course, the materials industries are under pressure as a result of high energy prices, but there are political decisions to be made.”

At this point in the world capitalist system, we are once again entering a period of intensified ‘political economy’. Statements by US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde have signaled that a global economic policy dependent on ‘geopolitical’ goals is on the horizon.

Germany is part of this world and the implementer of a series of political decisions ranging from ‘green transformation’ to ‘de-risking’. Indeed, initial anger at the US IRA has given way to ‘keeping up’. The EU, Japan and South Korea have introduced subsidies for the technology and clean energy sectors to attract new investment or prevent more companies from moving to the US. “If we don’t keep up, they will have [key sectors] and we won’t,” Habeck said. That’s the bitter truth,” Habeck said, suggesting that even an acceptance is accompanied by ambition. Both German monopolies and foreign companies with manufacturing investments in Germany are warning Berlin and Brussels to create an alternative to the IRA. The new stage of monopoly-state integration does not necessarily entail ‘deindustrialization’: ‘traditional’ industries are declining, while ‘new-green’ industries are growing with state subsidies. Gunter Erfurt, CEO of Meyer Burger, a Swiss solar technology company with three factories in eastern Germany, praised the IRA and its subsidies for clean technology companies, saying: “Unlike us Europeans, Americans have realized that solar technology is not just a commodity that you can buy from a random supplier at the best price, it risks becoming a plaything of geopolitics. Everyone needs it for the energy transition.”

Indeed, in May, Swedish battery maker Northvolt committed to building its next factory in Germany after Berlin pledged to pour hundreds of millions of euros into the project. The US and the IRA almost won this race. But Berlin managed to hold on to the Swedish giant with the Temporary Crisis and Transition Framework (TCTF), which turned out to be not so temporary after all. The TCTF framework is now also being used to help solar companies. At the end of June, Habeck’s ministry asked for declarations of intent for a new subsidy program for companies planning to manufacture solar modules or components or process the critical raw materials needed to make them.

Also in May, the German government announced plans to set aside about 4 billion euros ($4.4 billion) each year to subsidize electricity prices for energy-intensive industries in an effort to protect some businesses from high costs. Habeck says they want to keep industry in Germany, and the electricity subsidies are aimed at that.

German companies can profit from ‘green transformation’

German central bank governor Joachim Nagel also said on April 13 that Germany’s energy crisis was ‘more or less solved’ and that the country had the ‘inner strength’ to recover from the double shock of the pandemic and the war in Ukraine.

“German industry has a good capacity to deal with the situation … and I believe they will overcome it and get back to the levels we saw before the pandemic,” Nagel said.

What’s more, Europe’s ‘green tech’ exports, while still behind China, are still ahead of the US. Germany, too, appears to be on its way to catching up with the US (its global export market share of ‘low carbon technologies’ is around 12 percent, compared to around 14 percent in the US). It should also be noted that German companies entering the US market stand to gain.

We should especially note the comfort of machine builders and equipment manufacturers. New factories are being built all over the US thanks to IRA subsidies. It is very difficult to build a factory in North America without European equipment and especially German machinery.

One of the beneficiaries is ebm-papst, a manufacturer of motors and ventilation systems based in Mulfingen in southwest Germany. The IRA has boosted demand for the company’s cooling fans for electric vehicle chargers and megapack battery storage systems.

“The IRA is an opportunity for everyone,” says Mark Shiring, CEO of the Americas for ebm-papst’s Air Technology Division. His company is poised to benefit from the planned rollout of high-speed electric vehicle chargers across the US.

German financial power ready for incentives

Germany and Europe are lagging behind the United States in this regard, but the expansion of subsidy schemes and the loosening of bureaucracy are likely, especially in a country as financially strong and export-dependent as Germany. US chip giant Intel has announced plans to invest 17 billion euros in two new factories in the eastern German city of Magdeburg. The German government had promised to subsidize the project to the tune of €6.8 billion. Intel then asked for more, citing high energy costs. And it got what it asked for: The government agreed to increase the subsidy level to 9.9 billion euros, and Intel announced that it was increasing its investment volume from 17 billion euros to 30 billion euros.

Before the 2000s, Germany was already being called the ‘sick man of Europe’ because of low growth rates and high unemployment. It is clear that part of the clamor for ‘deindustrialization’ or ‘economic decline’ comes from the ‘left-behind’ sectors of capital. Moreover, with the war in Ukraine, the German defense sector has received a significant infusion of blood. Both arms companies and their related industries have been enjoying unprecedented share rallies since February 2022. The EU’s efforts to reorganize its economy according to the war will also accelerate the integration of some monopolies into the state and show that for them ‘deindustrialization’ is not a reality at all.

Those who can be dismissed

For example, Ingeborg Neumann, President of the German Textile Industry Association, said in his speech at the BDI event, “Energy costs, labor shortages, bureaucracy; it is no longer attractive for us to produce in Germany.” First, the share of textiles in the German economy has been declining since 1998. While the sector is still an important source of employment, it could be discarded or outsourced to other nearby countries, for example in Central and Eastern Europe. Second, the problems listed by the sector representative can somehow be solved or mitigated: Re-establishing ties with Russia; attracting migrant labor; restructuring the state to make it easier for capital; new incentives for export markets… Moreover, the fact that export-oriented manufacturers are struggling should not prevent us from seeing the bigger picture: while the German economy has struggled recently, the Dax index, the country’s 40 largest listed companies, has risen by 20% in the past year to an all-time high. The German economy is still dominated by the services sector and this divergence between services and manufacturing is expected to continue.

Chemical conglomerates like BASF are making losses and scaling back their German operations, that’s true. But the divergence itself does not necessarily mean that ‘the economy is doing badly’. For example, Maria Ferraro, Chief Financial Officer at Siemens Energy, said, “We are now seeing a revival in the market with real momentum. We have an overflowing order book,” she said. Spending on R&D is fourth in the world, behind the US, China and Japan. According to the World Patent Office, about a third of all European patents come from Germany. Much of the innovation power is embedded in large companies such as Siemens and Volkswagen and focused on well-established industries. The following sectors stand out in patent applications respectively: Transportation; Electrical machinery, equipment, energy; measurement; mechanical components; computer technology. Compared to other G7 partners, Germany is still a country where the manufacturing industry plays an important role. Bloomberg also points this out in an analysis and points out that the giant German banks still ‘dwarf’ those on Wall Street. The combined market capitalization of Deutsche Bank and Commerzbank is less than a tenth of that of JPMorgan!

The German problem and the AfD

Almost 20 years ago, Germany overcame its reputation as the ‘sick man of Europe’ with an ambitious package of ‘labor market reforms’ that ushered in a period of sustained prosperity, driven by strong demand for its machinery and automobiles, especially from China. Germany exported far more than it bought. Now, the ‘divergence’ from Russia and China signals a new situation. The rise of the AfD can also be explained by the difficulty of ‘exporting Germany’ in adapting to the new world. From the creation of new economic zones within the EU to the ‘controlled dismantling’ of the EU, there are a number of policy proposals to overcome the difficulties on the establishment front. SMEs, the Mittelstand, an important component of the German economy, are the biggest bearers of the cry of ‘deindustrialization’. We will analyze the AfD phenomenon from this perspective in the next article.

EUROPE

Operationsplan Deutschland: The debate over ‘planned economy’ in Germany

Published

on

As Ukraine fires U.S.-made long-range missiles at Russia for the first time and Russian leader Vladimir Putin updates his country’s nuclear doctrine, European countries are preparing for an all-out war on the continent.

According to a 1,000-page document drawn up by the German armed forces called ‘Operationsplan Deutschland’, Germany will host hundreds of thousands of troops from NATO countries and act as a logistics hub to send huge amounts of military equipment, food and medicine to the front line.

The German military is also instructing businesses and civilians on how to protect key infrastructure and mobilize for national defense in the event of Russia expanding drone flights, espionage and sabotage across Europe.

Businesses have been advised to draw up contingency plans detailing the responsibilities of employees in the event of an emergency, and told to stockpile diesel generators or install wind turbines to ensure energy independence.

More state intervention in the economy under discussion

In this context, state intervention in the economy and in companies is being discussed more intensively.

The German state has far-reaching rights in crisis situations. The energy crisis showed how quickly the state can intervene: At the time, the German government filled gas storage facilities by law, nationalized the gas importer Uniper and supplied floating LNG terminals.

According to Bertram Brossardt, CEO of the Bavarian Business Association, even a “transition to a planned economy” could be possible in an emergency.

This ‘planned economy’ could involve the state issuing food vouchers or even forcing people to work in certain sectors, such as water or transport companies.

Companies could also benefit if they have employees who volunteer for disaster relief, the Federal Agency for Technical Relief (THW) or the fire brigade.

Lieutenant Colonel Jörn Plischke, who conducted the company training in Hamburg, said: “It costs you a few days a year to support this. But in a crisis, you have a direct link to the people who protect people and infrastructure,” he said.

Hamburg: The intersection of civil and military economy

Hamburg, where Lieutenant Colonel Plischke attended the event, is a central hub for the transport of goods and troops.

“If our infrastructure is used for military purposes, the risk of cyber-attacks and sabotage increases significantly,” the mayor of the Hanseatic city, Peter Tschentscher, told the Faz newspaper.

The Hamburg Senate has therefore created additional staff to strengthen civil defense. A third ‘home defense corps’ has been introduced, made up of volunteers who do not fight in the troops but work to ensure protection and security.

Exercises are currently being held in the Hanseatic city with the German armed forces and civilian forces.

According to the report, this exercise, called ‘Red Storm Alpha’, is training in the protection of port facilities.

The next exercise, ‘Red Storm Bravo’, will start soon and will be on a larger scale.

The lessons learnt from these exercises will then be incorporated into the ‘Operationsplan Deutschland’. This plan is intended to be a ‘living document’, constantly evolving and adapting to new information and threats.

Continue Reading

EUROPE

The era of the ‘right-wing majority’ in the European Parliament

Published

on

Under Ursula von der Leyen’s second presidency, the European Commission will abandon its previous ‘cordon sanitaire’ policy towards the ‘far right’.

Leyen’s new Commission will include two members from the ‘far right’. Raffaele Fitto of Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy – FdI), the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Olivér Várhelyi, who is close to Fidesz, the party of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

Fratelli d’Italia is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the EP, while Fidesz is part of the Patriots for Europe (PfE) group, which also includes the French National Rally (RN) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), led by German CSU politician Manfred Weber, has repeatedly cooperated with the ECR in the past legislature and explicitly reserves the right to do so in the future.

The cordon sanitaire against the right is practically non-existent

More recently, it has voted with the PfE and sometimes even with the Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN), of which the German AfD is a member. The traditional border against the ‘extreme right’ (the so-called ‘security cordon’) is thus continuing to crumble.

The security cordon was systematically relaxed by the EPP in the last legislative period. As early as January 2022, the EPP made it possible for an MEP from the right-wing ECR to be elected as one of the vice-presidents of the EP.

A study by the Greens shows that the European Commission under Ursula von der Leyen has relied on MEPs from the ECR and even the more right-wing ID (Identity and Democracy) group in around 340 votes to secure a majority.

According to the study, these demands often included a reduction in the CO2 price for the car industry or the approval of subsidies for fossil fuels.

With the votes of the EPP, ECR and ID, the EPP also managed to block a motion in April 2024 proposing measures to prevent parliamentary staff from being harassed by MEPs.

So, one small step after another, the security cordon was broken.

Breaking point: European right united against Maduro

In September, one of the first votes of the newly elected EP attracted more attention. The resolution under discussion would have recognised Edmundo González, the defeated candidate in the presidential elections in Venezuela on 28 July 2024, as the real winner of the elections.

The resolution in favour of González was tabled jointly by the EPP and the ECR, in which the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is the largest group.

The resolution was finally adopted with the votes of Orbán’s Fidez, Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) and PfE, which includes the FPÖ, and the ESN, which includes the AfD.

The ‘Venezuelan majority’ at work in the EP: EPP support for the AfD

The so-called ‘Venezuelan majority’ – the large voting majority of conservative and right-wing parties in the EP – has since come into play on several occasions.

This was the case in October, for example, when the European Parliament decided on the procedure for presenting and voting on future EU commissioners. Also in October, the EPP voted in favour of an AfD budget motion proposing the erection of extensive barriers at the EU’s external borders.

The EPP, ECR and PfE also voted to award this year’s European Parliament Sakharov Prize to González and right-wing Venezuelan opposition politician María Corina Machado.

Finally, last week the EPP joined with other MEPs on the right to amend a bill aimed at halting global deforestation.

Sparking outrage on the left, several rebel MEPs from the ECR, PfE, ESN and the liberal Renew group backed the EPP on key amendments.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was elected in July on the basis of an alliance between the EPP, Liberals, Socialists and Greens.

In its second term, the European Commission is abandoning its previous ‘cordon sanitaire’ policy against the ‘far right’.

Leyen’s new Commission will include two members from the ‘far right’. Raffaele Fitto of Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy – FdI), the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Olivér Várhelyi, who is close to Fidesz, the party of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

Fratelli d’Italia is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the EP, while Fidesz is part of the Patriots for Europe (PfE) group, which also includes the French National Rally (RN) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), led by German CSU politician Manfred Weber, has repeatedly cooperated with the ECR in the past legislature and explicitly reserves the right to do so in the future.

New Commissioners from the right

Raffaele Fitto, a member of Giorgia Meloni’s FdI party, is known as one of Meloni’s closest friends and will be appointed by Leyen as one of the vice-presidents of the EU Commission ‘responsible for cohesion and reforms’.

Hungary, on the other hand, has appointed former Enlargement Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi as a commissioner in Brussels, with future responsibility for health. Várhelyi is very close to Prime Minister Orbán’s Fidesz party.

There is strong protest against Fitto and Várhelyi in the Socialist and Green parliamentary groups, which support the Leyen Commission. It is rumoured that both groups will not support the appointment of the two politicians.

The invisible architect of the right-wing alliance: Manfred Weber of the CSU

The row over future commissioners has come to a head in recent days.

EPP President Manfred Weber (CSU), who is seen as the main architect of his group’s alliance with the ECR and the EPP, could theoretically get two right-wing commissioners approved with a “Venezuelan majority”.

However, if CDU or CSU politicians in the EP vote with the AfD on a key decision, this could be seen as an unwelcome signal shortly before the early German elections.

But as former Italian prime ministers Romano Prodi and Mario Monti said on Tuesday, pressure is growing for the EU to act ‘as one’ at a time when it faces ‘major challenges both in the East and in the West’.

We have a responsibility to make sure that something changes after this election… The majority will very often include the ECR,” German EPP MEP Peter Liese of the CSU also told reporters on Monday.

Liese said he had no “firewall” against the ECR and claimed that Fitto’s senior position had been negotiated as part of an agreement between the main political families in the European Council at the beginning of the summer.

Continued support for Ukraine in return for right-wing MEPs

On Wednesday (20 November), however, the leaders of the European Parliament’s political groups, meeting in Brussels, reached an agreement.

According to this, Fitto and Várhelyi will be allowed to take up the positions in the European Commission that Leyen has envisaged for them, and the Socialists will agree to this.

In return, the EPP promises to cooperate only with ‘pro-Ukrainian’ parties that support the EU and the rule of law.

This means that the old ‘cordon sanitaire’, i.e. the border against the ‘extreme right’, has been replaced primarily by foreign policy conditions.

According to the EPP’s interpretation, there are no longer any obstacles to cooperation with the ECR.

Continue Reading

EUROPE

Turmoil in the SPD: Pistorius vs. Scholz

Published

on

Pressure is mounting on German Chancellor Olaf Scholz to relinquish leadership of his party, the Social Democrats (SPD), ahead of the upcoming snap elections. This move is seen as a potential lifeline for the party, currently polling in third place, to regain electoral momentum.

The SPD leadership has thus far supported Scholz’s bid for a second term in the federal elections, now rescheduled for 23 February 2025 following the collapse of the three-party coalition on 6 November. However, internal dissent is growing.

In two heated party meetings last week, SPD MPs deliberated over whether Defence Minister Boris Pistorius should replace Scholz as the party’s candidate. According to Der Spiegel and POLITICO, one meeting included the conservative wing of the SPD, while the other involved its left wing. Both groups reportedly had significant support for replacing Scholz with Pistorius.

Calls for Scholz to step aside reached a crescendo on Monday, with prominent SPD politicians from North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany’s most populous state, leading the charge.

Pistorius’ voices rise within the party

Dirk Wiese and Wiebke Esdar stated: “The focus is on finding the best political line-up for this election. We hear a lot of praise for Boris Pistorius. It is clear that the final decision on the chancellor candidacy will rest with the party committees, as it should.”

Markus Töns, a long-time SPD member, echoed this sentiment in Stern: “The chancellor has done a good job in difficult circumstances, but the coalition’s end signals a need for a fresh start. Boris Pistorius would make this easier than Olaf Scholz.”

Former SPD leader Sigmar Gabriel was even more critical. Writing on X (formerly Twitter), Gabriel warned of “growing resistance” within the SPD to Scholz’s leadership. “The SPD leadership’s only response is appeasement and loyalty pledges. What we need is bold political leadership. Without it, the SPD risks falling below 15 percent,” he cautioned.

Scholz confident of ‘support from the leadership’

The SPD leadership had planned to finalize the chancellor candidacy decision at its party conference on 30 November. However, the timeline may accelerate to quell the escalating debate.

Speaking from the G20 Summit in Brazil, Scholz dismissed questions about his candidacy, expressing confidence in party support. “The SPD and I aim to win this election together,” he told Die Welt. Secretary-General Lars Klingbeil reinforced this stance, stating on ARD television: “We are committed to continuing with Olaf Scholz—there’s no wavering.”

Chancellor returns without stopping in Mexico

Despite these reassurances, Scholz abruptly canceled his planned trip to Mexico, returning to Berlin after the G20 Summit amid rumors of party infighting. While the SPD leadership held a conference call on Tuesday to discuss the campaign strategy, no decisions were reached.

Recent opinion polls paint a bleak picture for both Scholz and the SPD. The party is polling at 16 percent, far behind the CDU and the far-right AfD, marking a steep decline of 10 points since the 2021 elections.

Yet, Boris Pistorius remains Germany’s most popular politician, consistently outpacing CDU leader Friedrich Merz in approval ratings. This has fueled hopes within the SPD that Pistorius could revitalize their electoral prospects.

Pistorius’ rising profile is not without controversy. Known for his hawkish stance on military issues, he advocates for making the German military “fit for war” and has pushed for increased defense spending to meet NATO’s 2 percent of GDP target. Critics argue that these positions clash with the SPD’s traditional skepticism toward military intervention and ties with Moscow.

Nonetheless, many within the SPD believe Pistorius offers the best chance to avoid a crushing defeat in February’s elections. Pistorius has championed investments to rebuild the Bundeswehr after decades of neglect and launched initiatives to recruit for Germany’s depleted armed forces. His restructuring of the army earlier this year emphasized regional defense over external missions.

Internationally, Pistorius’ assertive approach has earned respect from Western allies, positioning him as a strong contender for the chancellorship despite his public denials. “We already have a candidate, and he is the sitting chancellor,” Pistorius recently told German state television.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey