Connect with us

Asia

‘There will be no security and peace in Central Asia, without peace and security in Afghanistan’

Published

on

Khusrav Noziri, Secretary General of the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO), told Harici: “Afghanistan is not only the security concern for Tajikistan but for the whole region, for the whole Central Asia because the Central Asian countries consider the security of Afghanistan as the security of the Central Asia.”

Established in 1985 with Turkey, Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan as members, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) as an observer, ECO is an economically-oriented regional organisation with a population of some 450 million.

Established with the aim of developing regional economic cooperation, ECO enables the implementation of regional cooperation projects in the fields of trade, transport, agriculture, energy, environment, health, industry, finance and economy.

Khusrav Noziri, who has been Secretary General of ECO since 2021, has held senior positions such as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in Tajikistan, as well as diplomatic posts in many countries, including Tajikistan’s embassies in Egypt, the Republic of South Africa and China. In 2021, he was awarded the “20th Anniversary of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation” medal for his contribution to the establishment and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

Ambassador Khusrav Noziri, Secretary General of ECO, answered our questions about the organisation’s goals, upcoming projects and trade cooperation in Central Asia.

The fact that the Middle Corridor continues to move forward despite obstacles is seen as a symbol of the South Caucasus-Central Asia region’s desire for political and economic autonomy. How do you assess the approach of major powers such as China and Russia to this issue?

Middle Corridor is one of the major corridors in the territory of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) and as you know, we have established the Coordination Committee between ECO and United Nations Economic Committee for Europe (UNEC). In this framework, we are discussing how to better implement this project and realization of this corridor. This corridor is of high importance for our region because from the East, it connects our region to China, one of the most important countries in the world, and also, from the West to Europe. And this issue was also raised in Antalya Diplomacy Forum; it was highlighted that due to some events happening in the eastern part of Europe, the northern corridor has some difficulties. So now, we focus on how to better use of the potential which the Middle Corridor possesses, which cross through the ECO region.

Despite Western pressure, the Economic Cooperation Organization refuses to join the sanctions targeting Russia. How do you assess Washington’s measures on secondary sanctions?

As ECO, we agreed among the member states, not to raise political issues and focus only on the issues of economic cooperation and integration among ten member states.  But of course, it is sovereign right of every member state what to decide and whether to implement sanction or not. But what we are doing in our organization is that we have a target set, goals set in trade and transport, connectivity, energy, environment etc. We are now, according to our basic strategic document which is Vision 2025, implementing our projects, in all our priority areas. But, of course, we understand that these sanctions which are enforced against one of our key member states, of course, has negative consequences on our agenda of regional economic cooperation. We understand it. But, nevertheless, we are trying our best to overcome these difficulties and move towards closer cooperation economically and for closer integration in all our priority areas.

Can you give us some details about the remarkable goals which take place in your strategy document, Vision 2025?

According to our basic strategy document which is Vision 2025, we set a target to double our intra-regional trade. If we compare the level of our cooperation in the area of trade, we can see that the amount of our regional trade which is now 9% of from our global trade is much less if we compare with the similar level from other regional economic blocks and organizations. So, that’s why we set the target to double our intra-regional trade. We have two tracks on this. The first is to increase the share of contribution of our organization to the global trade. In 2022, for the first time we, as ECO members, crossed the mark of 1 trillion USD which is about 4% of the global trade. We want to increase our share and our contribution to the global trade. Secondly, we also simultaneously set a target to increase our intra-regional trade, the trade which we have inside the region among the member states. Because if we analyze the trade we can see that many items and commodities could be imported from within the ECO, instead of importing them from outside the block. So, in this regard, we have a huge potential. The second priority area is on transport and communication. In transport and communication, we have many success stories and we already discussed Trans-Caspian Middle Corridor. And also, we have again reactivated the corridor which is called ITI (Islamabad-Tehran-Istanbul) which starts from Islamabad and goes through Tehran and ends in Istanbul. If we compare it with the relevant sea corridor, it will be less expensive and time saving. Now, we are discussing with the Bulgarian companies to extend this corridor to Bulgaria which will eventually connect the South Asia by railway for the first time to Europe. So, it’s another major corridor in our region. Also, we are in the last ministerial meeting on transport which was held in Tashkent last year, we initiated two new corridors, multimodal corridors, which are called TUTIT and KUTIT. TUTIT is abbreviation for Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran and Türkiye. KUTIT is for Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Iran and Türkiye. Both are plus China. These two corridors are multimodal corridors. In last September, we had the first meeting of the working group in Dushanbe and now we are discussing when we should have a test-run alongside the TUTIT multimodal corridor. 

Another project it is KTI which is Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Iran. During the summit which we held in Ashkabad, we agreed to commercialize this transport corridor. One of our targets in the area of transport and communication is to make our transport corridors economic and trade corridors and thus commercialize them. Also, we are developing our cooperation in the area of transport in the maritime cooperation because we have Caspian Sea and Persian Gulf in the south, these are important sea ports. Also, Gwadar sea port in Pakistan and also the important sea ports in Türkiye will be included in the project. Three of our countries in organization have access to the sea but the majority of them, remaining seven member states are landlocked countries. And in this regard, the issues related to increasing the potential of landlock countries and providing them the access to the sea through this echo-gates, is of great importance. 

Also, we have a good cooperation in the aviation sphere. In the last ministerial meeting on transport, we decided to grant ECO the status of a hub to Gabala of Azerbaijan and Samarkand of Uzbekistan. This status, which also we hope that, will increase the potential of landlock countries in attracting the business, investments and etc. 

Other top priority areas are energy and environment. On energy, I would like to say that we have two flagship important projects. The first one is the establishment of ECO Clean Energy Center in Baku. This is a joint project which is implemented together with United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) and the initial phase of the establishment has been completed. Now, we are moving towards the implementation of the next stages of this project. We hope that during the next Conference on Parties 29 (COP29), which will be hosted by Azerbaijan, which is one of our important member states, we will succeed in inauguration of the ECO Clean Energy Center in Baku.

Another flagship program in energy sector is ECO-RAM. It’s a regional electricity market, now it’s at pilot stage. In this project, Türkiye and Iran, as neighboring countries are participating, with the potential involvement of Azerbaijan. But we think that this project has a prospect to be expanded because in our region, we have other countries which are rich in the natural resources and the production of electricity. Some of them are based on the fossils and some of them are based on electricity like Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. This cooperation is promising. 

Another area is environment. During the last COP in Dubai, we had the ministerial meeting on environment. In this meeting, we decided to have the first meeting of the high-level dialogue platform on environment cooperation in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. It’s a newly established mechanism in our organization.

The next priority area is tourism. Now, we are developing the concept of the tourism capitals of ECO. Now, we have six cities in this project. One of them is Erzurum of Türkiye. Next year, Erzurum will be announced as the tourism capital of ECO. In this regard, we are planning to convene major events in Erzurum. After Erzurum, it will be the turn of the Shusa. 

Last year, China organised a quintet summit in Xian that brought Central Asian countries together. How would you interpret China’s growing role in the region?

We understand that China plays a growing role in the ECO member states. That’s why ECO is interested in developing, strengthening and expanding relations with China. As you know, some significant number of ECO member states are the neighbors of China. Starting from Kazakhstan, Kirgizstan, Tajikistan and Pakistan are direct neighbors of China. ECO member states have significant and big projects, infrastructural projects etc. with China, which we consider that eventually could benefit ECO as well for increasing our economic cooperation and integration. So, China, for us, is an important trade partner, economic partner, investment partner. 

Some countries are pro-Chinese investments and some countries are feeling worried regarding the Chinese economic growth and being bounded to Belt and Road initiative and debts caused by that. What is the ECO’s position? 

If you look at the reality on the ground, I think all member states are welcoming the growing Chinese investments in their economies. We can see it on the ground in the forms of realization of the grand projects and different various areas.

You are not giving this interview on behalf of Tajikistan but if you allow me, I have some questions about your home country as well. We don’t know much about Tajikistan. We cannot speak much with Tajik politicians. It’s very hard to catch them and talk to them. We would like to know more about foreign policy of Tajikistan as according to the Tajikistan constitution it stressed upon a peaceful policy. What is that criteria and how it goes with the regional countries and beyond?

As Secretary General of Economic Cooperation Organization, of course, I cannot talk on behalf of Tajikistan, but I can say that Tajikistan is a very important and active member of our organization. Tajikistan hosted the summit of the organization, the Council of Ministers of the Organization several times. As you know, the Council is the highest decision and policymaking body in our organization. Tajikistan also participates in implementation of different regional projects in our organization. We value the participation of Tajikstan. In Antalya Diplomacy Forum, we once again met with the Foreign Minister of Tajikistan, Sirojiddin Muhriddin and had an exchange of views on the areas of cooperation and strengthening the role of Tajikistan and the activities.

Apparently, Tajikistan has a big issue with two of its neighbors and that’s are Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan. What steps has been taken to normalize its ties or if there is any chance for improving of ties between those countries?

Again, I cannot speak on behalf of Tajikistan but what I know is that: Both Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are our members. We welcome the negotiation process which is going on between Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. We heard about the positive developments and the big area of the joint border between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. I think, the delegations agreed on how to demarcate this border. There are positive steps and positive development in this area. Afghanistan also is the member state of ECO. Afghanistan is very important especially in terms of the transport and especially in the terms of energy because we have projects with regard to Afghanistan but because of this current situation and de-facto rulers in Afghanistan, many of our projects are now on-hold. But, we have special program for Afghanistan.

Can we say that this is also one of the biggest security concerns of Tajikistan, too? 

Afghanistan is not only the security concern for Tajikistan but for the whole region, for the whole Central Asia because the Central Asian countries consider the security of Afghanistan as the security of the Central Asia. It was stated several times by Central Asian leaders that there will be no security and peace, without peace and security in Afghanistan.

Do you refer to Afghanistan as a country or do you refer to this threat regarding the de-facto rule of Taliban?

I refer to Afghanistan as a country because this situation not started two years ago. It continues already more than 40 years. So, I’m referring to the country. Afghanistan is an important member of our organization but due to this this current situation, Afghanistan regrettably cannot officially attend in our meetings.

The US and China are interested in investing in Tajikistan. Which of them have invested more in Tajikistan and in which areas?

[Laughter] For the countries receiving investments, I think, there is not big difference in who is investing as long as the money flows. I think the countries are interested to increase these investments and increase the number of countries who are coming with the investment. So, I believe, this is a policy of Tajikistan as well.

Looking on the ground, which country is investing more?

According to the statistics which we have, of course, China is the major investor not only in Tajikistan but in all Central Asian countries and in Iran as well and in Pakistan as well. 

Is there anything that I didn’t ask you but you want to tell us?

There is one more priority area which I haven’t mentioned. It is human resources and sustainable development. In this regard, this year we are going to convene the first Forum on Sustainable Development in Arkadak, Turkmenistan, which is the new modern smart city. This year is of the chairmanship of Iran. Iran came with the theme of enhanced and resilient ECO region through intra-regional trade. Again, coming back the intra-regional trade is a top priority for our region. With this regard, we are taking necessary measures for our organization. We negotiated on The Economic Cooperation Organization Trade Agreement (ECOTA) and signed and ratified by five member states, which is the minimum for entering into force. But regrettably, this agreement remains non-operational due to the divergence in opinion among the parties on the articles related to the reduction of the tariffs. But, it is not the end of the story but we are now exploring other ways how to facilitate the trade in particular. There are draft trade facilitation strategy and draft trade facilitation agreement. 

Asia

China outpaces India in race for Russian crude oil supplies

Published

on

China has accelerated its crude oil purchases from Russia to replace oil shipments originating from the Middle East.

According to a Reuters report based on data from energy analytics firm Kpler, China is outpacing India in the Russian oil market.

India’s crude imports from Russia’s European ports fell by approximately 30% in August.

Beijing’s increased purchases could curb India’s exports of refined petroleum products and consequently trigger a diesel and gasoline shortage across Asia.

While China previously favoured ESPO blend crude shipped from Russia’s Asian ports, the share of its purchases from Russia’s European ports, consisting primarily of the Urals grade, has climbed to 31%.

Russian crude imports by India, the world’s third-largest oil importer, dropped to 1.87 million barrels per day in August. This volume remained well below the 2.79 million barrels per day recorded in July.

Under this scenario, which poses a risk to the Asian region, India stands as the region’s largest exporter of diesel and gasoline.

However, the country’s total crude imports in August were recorded at 4.17 million barrels per day. This figure marked the lowest level since the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East.

If the tightening raw material supply prevents Indian refineries from maintaining processing throughput, a severe deficit in refined products could emerge across the Asian market starting in September.

The Times of India previously reported that India’s Russian crude imports reached their highest share since 2022 in July.

During that period, Russia supplied more than half of India’s total crude imports of just over 5 million barrels per day, delivering 2.8 million barrels per day.

At the end of July, the Russian government extended its temporary export ban on gasoline, diesel, and other fuel types until 31 January 2027.

Under the restrictions that took effect on 1 August, direct exports of diesel, marine fuel, and gas oils by refiners will be exempted starting 1 September.

Bloomberg reported in June that Russian Urals crude was being sold in India at a $3.90 discount per barrel against international benchmarks after a hiatus of more than two months.

Urals crude traded at a discount again on 29 May for the first time since mid-March.

According to The Times of India, however, this discount on Russian Urals crude had almost entirely evaporated by early August.

Continue Reading

Asia

Japan sharpens defense posture while strengthening Turkish ties

Published

on

In an extensive interview on the Harici YouTube channel hosted by journalist Elif Ilhamoglu, Asia-Pacific research specialist and journalist Mehmet Asil Gonultas provided a comprehensive analysis of East Asia’s shifting geopolitical landscape.

Focusing on the newly released 2026 Japanese Defence White Paper, Tokyo’s military posture, foreign policy recalibrations under Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, and expanding bilateral ties with Turkiye, Gonultas detailed how systemic anxieties regarding China, Russia, and North Korea are reshaping the region.

“China, Russia, and North Korea are explicitly named as threats”

Addressing the release of Japan’s updated national security strategy document, Gonultas noted that the nearly 600-page publication represents the longest and most assertive security outline produced by Tokyo to date. He underscored that the tone toward regional competitors has hardened markedly compared to previous editions.

“China, Russia, and North Korea are explicitly named as threats in this year’s document,” Gonultas said. “Regarding Russia, the text explicitly characterizes its military presence on the contested Kuril Islands as an occupation, particularly following the recent visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin to one of the islands. North Korea is evaluated through the operational lens of the Russia-Ukraine war, where Pyongyang is actively refining its military capabilities, deploying personnel, utilizing drones, and gaining battle-tested experience in an active combat zone.”

Gonultas explained that the characterization of Beijing as a deteriorating security risk reflects a trajectory that has intensified steadily over recent years. “While China has been identified as a primary security concern since at least 2022, the rhetorical severity increases with every iteration. This year’s assessment is the heaviest yet, directly mirroring the firm posture of the state,” he stated.

Contrasting the current administration with former leadership, Gonultas remarked, “Former Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba advocated a relatively moderate approach, maintaining that Japan and China must find ways to coexist peacefully given their geographic reality. However, Prime Minister Takaichi adopted an uncompromising stance toward Beijing even prior to assuming office.”

He noted that Beijing’s actions have reinforced Tokyo’s apprehensions: “Beijing continuously provides justification for this stance. During recent missile testings, Beijing claimed to have informed Japan in advance, but Tokyo clarified that notice was provided merely 30 minutes prior to launch, emphasizing that no formal permission was granted. Furthermore, Chinese naval vessels regularly test boundaries in Japan’s exclusive economic zone, and a Chinese warship recently targeted a Japanese fighter jet with a guidance laser. The white paper explicitly argues that China’s actual military expenditures significantly exceed its publicly declared defense budget.”

Following the publication of the document, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of National Defense swiftly issued formal condemnations, accusing Tokyo of fanning regional tensions and reverting to historic militarism. “China reacted directly by asserting that this document reflects rising Japanese militarism,” Gonultas said. “In response, Tokyo points to China’s rapid rearmament, its inventory of ballistic missiles capable of striking Japanese territory, its maritime incursions, and its anti-aircraft capabilities targeting Japanese military aviation.”

“There is no question of acquiring nuclear weapons”

Turning to the structural and military capabilities outlined in the white paper, Gonultas clarified that Tokyo is prioritizing high-technology defense systems and diplomatic-economic integration rather than unconventional deterrence.

“There is no question of acquiring nuclear weapons,” Gonultas emphasized, addressing recent media speculation surrounding defense policy debates. “While domestic discussions on nuclear deterrence surfaced during the era of the late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, implementing such a policy remains politically impossible. Regardless of a ruling party’s parliamentary majority, strong internal factions vehemently oppose the concept. When Abe tentatively raised the question of nuclear deterrence after leaving office, then-Prime Minister Fumio Kishida immediately rejected the notion. Kishida, who remains an influential parliamentary figure, reaffirmed only recently that Japan must unconditionally oppose nuclear armament.”

Clarifying recent remarks made by Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi regarding the public taboo surrounding nuclear debates, Gonultas observed, “The prohibition against discussing nuclear weapons is not a formal statutory ban, but rather a deeply ingrained societal consensus. The public remains firmly opposed to even raising the topic. Defense Minister Koizumi, whose personal popularity has risen significantly among right-wing factions since taking office, uses this rhetoric largely as a political signaling strategy to consolidate his base as he positions himself for a future prime ministerial run.”

Gonultas outlined Tokyo’s actual defense investments, highlighting unmanned systems and domestic defense manufacturing. “Japan’s primary technological focus centers on advanced drone infrastructure,” he stated. “Furthermore, Japan has revised its historical restrictions on arms exports. While the constitution was previously interpreted to ban the export of lethal weaponry—limiting sales strictly to search-and-rescue or non-lethal equipment—legislative shifts now permit defensive exports, provided they are directed toward allied nations that are not actively engaged in armed conflict.”

“Japan is acutely aware that it cannot stand alone against China”

Evaluating Tokyo’s strategic dependence on Washington, Gonultas emphasized that Japan’s defense planners view the US alliance as indispensable for national survival.

“Japan is acutely aware that it cannot stand alone against China’s sheer scale,” Gonultas stated. “This fundamental reality forces Japanese policymakers to maintain flawless relations with Washington at all costs. Recently, when a US serviceman was implicated in an assault incident on Okinawa Island, Defense Minister Koizumi explicitly declined to criticize the US military, drawing sharp domestic backlash. Yet, this reflects Tokyo’s overriding priority: retaining the US strategic presence in the Indo-Pacific.”

“Both the Japanese government and the general public harbour deep anxieties regarding Chinese intentions, particularly concerning a potential military move against Taiwan,” Gonultas continued. “Should China blockade or seize Taiwan, Japan’s vital maritime trade routes would be compromised at Beijing’s discretion. Aside from the United States, no regional power possesses the capacity to offer meaningful deterrence.”

Gonultas added that this strategic anxiety has intensified under the current US administration. “Japanese planners are operating under immense pressure to keep US President Donald Trump fully committed to regional security, even as Washington signals potential adjustments to its military posture, including reductions in joint exercises with South Korea,” he noted. “To build a broader network of deterrence, Tokyo is actively cultivating overlapping bilateral and trilateral security partnerships with Australia, the Philippines, India, and South Korea, aiming to anchor US power within the region.”

“Constitutional limits restrict Japanese forces to purely defensive operations”

Addressing whether growing regional friction could lead to direct military confrontations, Gonultas pointed to the legal constraints governing Japan’s Self-Defense Forces.

“The likelihood of Japan initiating or engaging in direct offensive conflict remains minimal,” Gonultas stated. “Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution explicitly renounces war and prohibits the maintenance of offensive war potential. All military assets held by Japan are structured strictly for self-defense, meaning operational force can only be applied after Japanese territory sustains an explicit attack.”

“When Prime Minister Takaichi previously stated that Japan would protect Taiwan in the event of an invasion, any operational support would realistically be limited to logistics, non-combatant evacuation operations, and naval resupply missions for US forces, rather than direct front-line engagement,” Gonultas explained. “Although Takaichi favors constitutional revision, the Japanese public remains overwhelmingly pacifist and deeply attached to Article 9, driven by demographic aging, historical memory, and a profound fear of military escalation.”

“Turkiye is viewed as a reliable and capable defense partner”

Highlighting expanding diplomatic and industrial engagement between Ankara and Tokyo, Gonultas noted that defense procurement and technological cooperation have gained significant momentum.

“Following high-level diplomatic engagements, including Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s official visit to Tokyo and subsequent defense agreements signed at the SAHA EXPO defense exhibition, bilateral security cooperation has entered a concrete phase,” Gonultas said. “Japan is actively seeking to acquire drone technology. Importantly, Tokyo does not merely wish to purchase off-the-shelf equipment; it seeks technology transfers and co-production frameworks to understand manufacturing methodologies. Ankara has demonstrated a positive reception to these discussions.”

“Turkiye is viewed in Tokyo as a reliable, highly capable defense actor and a non-aggressive diplomatic mediator,” Gonultas added. “With negative public perception toward Israel reaching 80% in Japan, Tokyo has deliberately diversified its defense partnerships away from Tel Aviv, placing increased value on its historical alliance with Turkiye.”

Gonultas further observed that diplomatic coordination extends into Central Asia. “Japanese Deputy Foreign Minister Eri Arfia, who is of Uyghur origin and fluent in Turkish, visited Istanbul and met with representatives of the Organization of Turkic States, expressing Japan’s interest in securing observer status,” Gonultas explained. “Tokyo views Turkiye as a vital bridge to Middle Eastern energy stability and Central Asian critical mineral supply chains.”

“Takaichi’s public approval ratings have dropped toward 50%”

Analysing domestic political dynamics, Gonultas reported that Prime Minister Takaichi faces mounting economic pressures that threaten her initial political momentum.

“While Prime Minister Takaichi entered office with approval ratings approaching 70%, recent surveys show public support dropping toward 50%, with some independent polls placing approval near 40%,” Gonultas stated. “The primary driver behind this decline is economic dissatisfaction. Despite state interventions to stabilize the yen around 170 per US dollar following energy price surges caused by the Iran conflict, living costs remain elevated.”

“Voters supported Takaichi expecting structural economic revitalization, but the administration has heavily prioritized ideological and administrative initiatives—such as designating Osaka as a secondary capital alongside its coalition partner, the Japan Innovation Party, enacting national flag protection laws, and tightening permanent residency requirements for foreign workers,” Gonultas explained. “Although the government plans to cut consumption taxes on food items from 8% to 1%, prominent figures within her own Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), including former Prime Minister Ishiba and veteran leader Taro Aso, have publicly questioned the fiscal viability of these plans.”

Concurrently, economic authorities face severe macroeconomic challenges following joint currency interventions by the US and Japan. “While joint interventions successfully halted the chaotic depreciation of the yen beyond the 170 threshold, Japanese government bond yields recently hit 30-year highs of approximately 3%,” Gonultas noted. “To offset inflationary pressures on households, the government has facilitated a 5% average wage increase—the highest in recent decades—while coordinating with Washington to maintain exchange rate stability.”

Concluding his evaluation of Tokyo’s regional policy, Gonultas noted that despite broader regional instability, Japan continues to maintain active diplomatic communication with Tehran to safeguard energy transit through the Strait of Hormuz. “Tokyo maintains functional diplomatic channels with both Washington and Tehran, leveraging its neutral diplomatic standing to support regional maritime stability and energy security,” Gonultas concluded.

Continue Reading

Asia

Pakistan top court orders Imran Khan moved from prison to hospital

Published

on

The Supreme Court of Pakistan has ruled that former Prime Minister Imran Khan must be transferred from prison to a hospital.

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) announced on Tuesday that the Supreme Court of Pakistan had ordered the transfer of former Prime Minister Imran Khan from prison to a hospital. The ruling meets a long-standing demand from his party and family, who have voiced concerns over his health.

The 73-year-old cricketer-turned-politician has been imprisoned since August 2023, following convictions in a series of cases that he maintains were politically motivated after his removal from office in 2022.

His sons had repeatedly raised concerns over the past year regarding his deteriorating health, while his lawyers stated that he had suffered significant vision loss in his right eye during his time in detention.

PTI spokesman Zulfikar Bukhari said: “This is a welcome decision. We wish this had happened earlier so that his eye and overall health would not have deteriorated this much.”

Bukhari added: “He should remain in the hospital until all doctors are satisfied.”

Khan’s spokesman Naeem Haider Panjutha stated on X that the court had directed Khan to be moved to Shifa International Hospital within 48 hours and to remain there until 16 September.

Since being ousted from power in a no-confidence vote, Khan has faced numerous legal proceedings, including cases involving state gifts and unlawful marriage. While some convictions have been suspended or overturned, appeals against others remain pending. Khan denies the charges against him.

In February, leading figures from the global cricket community, including prominent names from across the border in India, expressed “deep concerns” over Khan’s prison conditions and demanded improved treatment for him.

PTI came to power in 2018 and retains a broad support base across key provinces. However, the party was stripped of its electoral symbol ahead of the 2024 elections, forcing its candidates to contest the polls as independents.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey