Diplomacy
‘TRNC was not on the table in Athens. If there were, this positive atmosphere could not have been created’
TRNC Minister of Foreign Affairs Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu spoke to Harici. Stating that the improvement between Türkiye and Greece should not be exaggerated, Ertuğruloğlu said that “the TRNC issue was not on the table, if it was, this positive atmosphere could not have been created” regarding President Erdoğan’s visit to Athens.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to Greece was one of the most important steps towards the normalisation of bilateral relations after a long period of tension. After Erdoğan’s meeting with Greek Prime Minister Kiryakos Mitsotakis, the two leaders pointed to new co-operations.
President Erdoğan said, “There is no issue between Türkiye and Greece that cannot be resolved”, while Greek Prime Minister Mitsotakis said, “We have to act together”.
In his statement, Erdoğan stated that he and Mitsotakis also discussed the Cyprus issue and said, “It will be in the interest of the entire region to reach a just, lasting and sustainable solution to Cyprus issue based on realities on the island.”
Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) Foreign Minister Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu answered the questions of journalist Esra Karahindiba on President Erdoğan’s visit to Athens, relations with Greece and the Cyprus issue.
*Relations between Türkiye and Greece appear to be improving. During President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit to Greece with his cabinet, the Athens Declaration was signed by Erdoğan and Greek Prime Minister Mitsotakis. In the picture given at the meeting, everyone at the table was happy and smiling. Of course, the meeting was between Türkiye and Greece. There is no doubt that the focus was on solving the problems of the two countries such as territorial waters and airspace, but do you expect positive developments from this rapprochement towards the two-state solution and TRNC? How do you see the declaration?
We should not exaggerate the issues too much. There is nothing more natural than the improvement of relations between Türkiye and Greece. They are already two neighboring countries; two NATO member countries. Naturally, they should have made an effort to normalize their relations, and they did. But what I see, does not deserve an interpretation that would lead to a conclusion that this or that will happen regarding Cyprus, apart from its real dimensions. In order for this to happen, the Greek Cypriots must come to the point that there is no such entity as the Republic of Cyprus and its government. If we are going to solve the so-called Cyprus problem in Cyprus, the beginning of this can be achieved by defining what the Cyprus problem is and answering the question “What is the Cyprus problem?” sincerely and if both parties reach an agreement on this issue. I did not hear such an issue being discussed during Erdoğan’s meeting with Mitsotakis, and I do not think it was discussed.
*Did you ask Hakan Fidan, “Was there anything about us on the table?”
No, I know very well that there was no such talks. Because if they talked, this positive atmosphere could not be created.
*Was the TRNC issue never brought to Athens?
As far as I know, there isn’t. Nothing like that was taken. Because what is the Cyprus problem? If an agreement is not reached on the definition of the Cyprus problem by the two sides, what solution will we talk about? If you ask Greeks and Greeks, the Cyprus problem is the Turkish invasion that started in 1974 and the ongoing Turkish occupation. We need to ask those who say this why there have been UN peacekeepers on the island since 1964. They have no answers. If the problem started in 1974, there were still peacekeepers on the island from 1964 to 1974, what is the explanation for this? Therefore, the Cyprus problem is not a problem of the Turkish invasion and ongoing occupation that started in 1974. But according to Greeks, it is like that. In our opinion, the Cyprus problem is the recognition of the Greek side as the Government and Republic of Cyprus. Unless this recognition is eliminated and Southern Cyprus is recognized only as a Greek state, you cannot talk about a solution to the Cyprus problem. Again, nothing could be more natural than this, as two NATO member neighboring countries, for Türkiye and Greece to make an effort to resolve their issues, whether it be the Aegean issue or other problems. As Turkish Cypriots, we are not people who are disturbed by this. But this should not lead to interpretations such as the Turkish side will step back on the Cyprus issue, the point of abandoning the point of two sovereign and equal states, and how a policy will be adopted to consolidate the Turks into the so-called Republic of Cyprus. Because this has nothing to do with reality. This approach to the Cyprus issue is a guarantee of failure. It’s been like this for 60 years already.
*Aren’t you a little pessimistic?
I prefer to be realistic. If anyone wants to interpret realism as pessimism, do so. I’m talking about realism. Turkish Cypriots will never accept the Greek side as the representative of the Republic of Cyprus. TRNC will never accept the status of a Greek state called the Republic of Cyprus. Turkish Cypriots are not a society. Turkish Cypriots are a people with a sovereign state. As long as this status is not accepted and if a negotiation process for the reconciliation of the Cyprus issue is to be brought to the agenda, unless a process based on the existence of two sovereign and equal states comes to the agenda, the fact of the matter is that there will be no negotiation process. No matter how they look at it, whether they call it pessimistic or realistic. This is not my problem. As a Turkish Cypriot, I speak clearly in this way because I know that we are not a people who will step back from the position of a state-owning people and accept the status of a society within a Greek state. Those who want to look at the Cyprus issue by drawing rosy scenarios with their imagination can look at it however they want. I prefer to look realistically.
*Russia’s decision to open a diplomatic representation in TRNC caused good mood in Türkiye at first. Discussions were held such as “I wonder if Russia will recognize the TRNC, is this move a sign?” What are the details of this issue? Also, is there any progress in terms of the member states of the Organization of Turkic States regarding the recognition of the TRNC? For example, there was a problem such as the Karabakh issue, which was said to be used as a trump card by the EU in preventing Azerbaijan from recognizing the TRNC. What is the latest situation in your diplomatic initiatives on this issue?
The issue has been reflected incorrectly from day one. It wasn’t an unusual issue either. Because the US Embassy in the south has a liaison office in northern Nicosia. The British have it. None of these are called consulates or consulates general. Russia also has an Embassy in the south. They opened a liaison office in the north, as did the Americans, British, French and Germans. The reason for this is an increasing Russian population in our north. They cannot pass to Southern Cyprus. The Greek Cypriot community does not allow them to pass to Southern Cyprus because they came to the island from TRNC. According to Greek Cypriots, the person coming from TRNC is described as “a person who entered our island illegitimately”. Russians opens such an office and provide consular services to Russian citizens in the north. But this should not be interpreted as meaning that TRNC is recognized. An extension of their embassy in the south, accredited to the south. It is not accredited to us. Not the Americans, not the British. But they work with us unofficially.
‘Azerbaijan’s initiative may lead to final recognition of TRNC’
Don’t be too hasty when it comes to recognition. Look, our recognition policy came to the fore after 2017. We have pursued a policy of demanding recognition for years and it is not like we failed. We have opponents who criticize this way. But it’s not true. We did not bring up the recognition policy during the 60-year long UN negotiations on Cyprus. Because it was not consistent to demand recognition when negotiating to establish a partnership. Since the negotiation process collapsed in Crans-Montana in 2017, we subsequently entered into a policy of sovereign equal state and equal international status. Therefore, it is rather a new policy. We already know that this is not an easy process that will yield results today or tomorrow. We did not enter this process by dreaming. Yes, we became an observer member of the Organization of Turkic States, thanks to Türkiye and President Erdoğan; for the first time with our constitutional name and flag… But of course, we do not have a claim to have everything we want in that organization. Our most favorable relations are currently with Azerbaijan; After the Karabakh incident ended, Azerbaijan’s initiative came to the agenda. And Ilham Aliyev declared at a meeting held there, “The TRNC flag will always wave here.” After the Karabakh incident took place, we see that Azerbaijan has entered into a serious expansion in its relations with us. No one is in a position to say anything clear about how long this next period of time will be, but it is possible to comment that this will lead to final recognition. Nobody should forget this either. It is as if the Greek Cypriot side is making serious efforts to sabotage our relations by using its relations with the Turkish states, the member countries of the Organization of Turkic States, the countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, especially with the European Union, as a weapon. For example, Kazakhstan did not invite TRNC to the last leaders’ summit held there. Ersin Tatar could not go there because TRNC was not invited. We did not receive an invitation from Kazakhstan for the Leaders’ Summit. The reason for this is that the Greek side uses EU relations to put pressure on Kazakhstan by using its commercial relations, EU’s projects, programs in Kazakhstan, and the issues it provides financing for.
And of course, they use the decisions taken by the UN Security Council on Cyprus against us as if these decisions were binding decisions. As you know, when the TRNC was established, the UN Security Council passed resolutions criticizing it and calling for no assistance to this state. By using these, these countries’ relations with us are being sabotaged. Now this point is ignored: None of the resolutions passed by the Security Council on Cyprus are binding decisions; It is a recommendation. It is not possible for the UN to impose sanctions on countries that do not comply with these. The most typical and unique example of this is Türkiye. Türkiye does not act in accordance with those decisions. It does not recognize the Greek side; it recognizes TRNC and sends ambassadors there. He accepts ambassadors from TRNC. Therefore, it implements policies contrary to the resolutions passed by the UNSC regarding Cyprus. No one can say that the UN has ever imposed penalties or sanctions on Türkiye. Because no, it can’t be. All of these decisions are recommendations. That’s why they are trying to block the TRNC with such games. We are determined to shape our future by protecting our state and facing all difficulties together with our homeland.
‘Un gave land to the Greeks in the buffer zone’
*Speaking of the UN, there was a serious crisis regarding the Pile – Yiğitler road. There was tension between UN Peacekeeping Force soldiers and Turkish soldiers and police. There was a double standard there too. While the Greeks living in the villages in the region could reach the center without going through customs, the same right was not provided to the Turks. Did the tension at that time damage the relationship between the TRNC and the UN? What is the latest stage of the road project?
We have never had a proper relationship with the UN anyway. The UN has always rewarded the Greek side. The violence was also caused by the indifference of UN soldiers. It was not a planned event. I know the situation very well. Because I am the person who negotiated the Pyla road with the UN, from the beginning, and who still knows about the incident today. I was the one who negotiated with UN Peace Force Special Representative and Chief of Mission Colin Stewart and made the agreement possible.
*Did you encounter that result even though there was an agreement?
Yes. From Yiğitler village towards the Pile route, there is Çayhan Düzü, which is considered a buffer zone according to the UN and which we consider as our land. This is the upper part of Pile. We also have a military unit there. But at one point, one or one and a half kilometers from Pyla, there is a place that we consider as a buffer zone. That’s the region called Onevler. Therefore, it is a place where we accept the authority of the UN. The authority in the buffer zone lies with the UN. Our road continued, came out of Yiğitler, passed Çayhan Düzü. Then, we stopped where that buffer zone begins. Because this is where the UN made a mistake. While the UN negotiated the road project with us and reached an agreement, they made another agreement with the Greek side on issues on which they did not consult with us. They gave permission to the Greeks for subdivision, right where our road will pass, and the Greeks were to build settlements and houses there.
*How can any land be given to Greeks in the buffer zone?
They gave. This is entirely a case of the UN making a fuss about the incident. It is a huge fiasco. Because we showed them where to build the road by giving them a map. They knew what the route was. They allow the Greek Cypriots to carry out subdivision work, which will affect our route, which we do not approve of in any way. We do not accept it in any way.
*So did they ask you?
They did not. We said, “You are making a deal with the Greek Cypriots.” “Yes,” they said. We said, “Can you give us the agreement?”. “We won’t give it to you,” they said. Then we saw it in action. The road has come till there, was about to continue. We came across with Greek construction works. We also reacted. The soldiers showed up. Then, they stopped.
*So, has the parceling work been canceled or suspended?
No, they withdrew, but we cannot continue on our road because in order to do so, we have to enter the buffer zone. Entering the buffer zone without UN approval means a big problem.
*However, at that time, both TRNC and Turkish authorities spoke very clearly. It was said, “We will finish this road, no matter what anyone says.”
We will do. I say the same thing again. Tension broke out on August 18. Diplomacy was used to resolve that crisis. Meetings were held with the UN delegation many times. We reached an agreement on carrying out the road project on October 9. As a result of the agreement, we continued to build the road to the buffer zone until October 9. But when we came to the buffer zone, we found Greek. This is the insincerity of the UN. Even though the UN knew where our road would pass, they made an agreement with the Greek Cypriots and tried to block our path with settlement projects in a way that would sabotage our project. Currently the project is frozen. Our road construction stopped. There is no construction by the Greeks either. Following our reaction, the parceling stopped. Right now, both sides halt.
*What will happen if the Greeks say, “The UN gave this land to us, we will build it?”
They can’t. No way. They stopped because they knew this was not possible.
‘Cyprus issue can not be compared with Israel-Palestine’
*As Türkiye has been discussing the guarantorship model for a peace deal between Israel and Palestine, the Cyprus model was referred to as an example. In the panel organized by the Strategic Research Center of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the guarantorship of Türkiye in Cyprus was again presented as an example. While some academics discuss this model as possible, others argue that the problem between Isral-Palestine is not similar to what is happening between Greeks and Turks in Cyprus in terms of the disproportionate force Israel uses against Palestinians. Can the Cyprus model really be implemedented in terms of Turkey’s guarantorship? How do you evaluate it?
In my opinion, the guarantor policy put forward by Türkiye should not be confused with the Cyprus model. It’s a very different kind of guarantee. As far as I can see, there is no clear stance in Mr. Hakan Fidan’s statement regarding the guarantorship in question, nor any details about what kind of guarantorship it will be. Will there be a military presence or will there be another guarantee system without a military presence? This is a completely different issue that needs to be clarified. In my opinion, if there is to be a warranty system it will be the one that has nothing to do with the warranty system in Cyprus. What is important for us is that after what happened in Gaza, our opponents who criticized our policies on the Cyprus issue when we said “Türkiye’s guarantee should never be given up, we will not give up”, they said “guarantee systems are now outdated, the European Union guarantee in Cyprus is sufficient, it is out of the question that a EU member Cyprus to be guaranteed by a country that is not a member, that is Türkiye”. And now it has become clear how meaningless and incompatible their criticisms those were and how necessary the guarantee system is. But I do not find it necessary to comment on the same guarantee system on Cyprus or a modality of it on Gaza. That’s a completely different event. I do not think it is right to identify the Greek-Turkish issue in Cyprus with the Israel-Gaza issue. We are talking about a different topic. The Cyprus issue has no similarity with the Israel-Palestine issue because Cyprus is a sui-generis issue. We are talking about the disruption of a partnership state in Cyprus. There is a Turkish side that signed agreements on the establishment of the partnership state. Without our signature, a state called the Republic of Cyprus could not have been established in 1960. That’s a completely different incident. There is a Greek side that broke this partnership. It is the Cyprus problem that the world recognizes the Greek Cypriot as the Republic of Cyprus, even though it is the party that broke the partnership. This has no resemblance to the Palestine-Israel issue.
Diplomacy
FIFA abandons $4.2 billion commercial stake sale following widespread revolt
FIFA and Gianni Infantino have backed down from plans to sell a stake in the organization’s commercial and event operations following widespread backlash.
In a statement issued late Friday night, the embattled FIFA president said:
“After carefully listening to all views, it has become clear that this project, regardless of the level of support, causes divisions that are now contrary to the interests of the objective originally established. Our goal has always been, and will always be, to unite and improve. As a result, this proposal will not be implemented.”
Infantino’s proposal met with fierce resistance from UEFA, CONCACAF, and the Asian Football Confederation (AFC).
UEFA indicated that all 55 of its members would boycott FIFA competitions, including the World Cup, if the plans remained on the table.
In its statement, FIFA noted that “nobody is selling football,” and while asserting that it “acknowledges and respects the feedback and concerns expressed publicly,” emphasized that it would continue to implement suggestions.
It added that it “reaffirms its commitment to an open and democratic process of consultation.”
Shortly after FIFA issued its statement, the AFC released its own declaration of solidarity with UEFA and the Confederation of North, Central America and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF).
Infantino subsequently suffered two major internal blows.
First, his adviser Carlos Cordeiro resigned from his position, sharply criticizing the plan in a statement as “a bad deal for FIFA member associations, a bad deal for football, and a bad deal for the long-term future of the game.”
Then, FIFA Chief Operating Officer Kevin Lamour told the Associated Press that staff felt “deceived” by Infantino and that after raising the issue, he would “sleep better, even at the cost of losing his job.”
Lamour said:
“This is the project of a single person. Leaving aside that this project should not proceed… it is now time for the political leaders of world football to ask themselves the right questions and make the right decisions.”
These developments left Infantino cornered, and by Friday afternoon, numerous figures within the organization—speaking to The Athletic on condition of anonymity to protect their jobs—believed it was no longer a question of “if” the cord would be cut, but “when.”
Joshua Kushner’s venture capital firm Thrive had not withdrawn from the deal as of Friday night, but that became moot when FIFA management ultimately decided to kill the project via a public statement.
Joshua Kushner is the brother of Jared Kushner, the son-in-law of Donald Trump.
On Tuesday, world football’s governing body had announced its intention to establish FIFA Forward Enterprises (FFE), a new private entity to manage its flagship events, including the World Cup and the Club World Cup, with plans to sell a 21% minority stake in FFE to external investors.
The sale was targeted to generate $4.2 billion (£3.2 billion) in revenue. FIFA stated that this amount could be immediately distributed to its 211 member associations under a new funding stream named the “FIFA Fast-Forward Program” (FFFP).
Under the plan, FIFA’s total development funding would have exceeded $10 billion over the next four years.
Despite mounting criticism in recent days, FIFA confirmed that if member associations opposed the FFE plan but the proposal was accepted, the dissenting federations would each receive $20 million (£14.9 million) for the 2027–30 cycle, regardless of whether shares in FFE were sold to private investors (to be followed by $22 million for 2031–34 and $24 million for 2035–38).
However, had a given member association accepted the FFE proposal, it would have received $40 million for the 2027–30 period, with subsequent payouts remaining the same.
The three confederations that explicitly took a stand against FIFA’s plan represent 137 of the 211 FIFA member associations.
FIFA had stated that for the proposal to move forward, it required the approval of a majority of the 211 member associations as well as the 37-member FIFA Council, which consists of Infantino and eight FIFA vice presidents.
Strategic reactions and leadership crisis
South American football confederation CONMEBOL did not reject the plans in a statement on Friday, but noted that financial and commercial decisions “must always serve the interests of football and never take precedence over the essence of the game.”
According to a report by The Athletic, Infantino’s future leadership of FIFA was called into question during UEFA and CONCACAF meetings held on Thursday.
Infantino assumed the FIFA presidency in February 2016, succeeding Sepp Blatter, and was expected to run unopposed in the next election scheduled for March 2027.
There is also talk among European officials of putting forward Nasser Al-Khelaifi, the Qatari CEO of beIN Media, to run against Infantino.
Lise Klaveness, President of the Norwegian Football Federation, told VG: “My clear impression right now is that he has suffered a major loss of trust. We did not vote for him last time and were skeptical about this. There are many good aspects to FIFA, but if you take a lax approach to governance principles and rules, you lose trust quickly.”
Diplomacy
Defense Priorities director warns US air strategy in Middle East faces tactical limits
The collapse of a tentative memorandum of understanding between Washington and Tehran, coupled with the diminishing strategic returns of American air power, has left the United States locked in an unsustainable, low-intensity conflict with Iran, according to Benjamin Friedman, Policy Director at the Washington-based think tank Defense Priorities.
Speaking in an interview on the YouTube channel Harici with host Sarp Sinan Hacır, Friedman attributed the failure of the short-lived US-Iran memorandum primarily to the Trump administration’s diplomatic missteps, vague draft language, and unrealistic expectations regarding a comprehensive settlement.
“Both sides really deserve some blame, but the Trump administration deserves the bulk of the blame for drafting an agreement that was so vague on key terms,” Friedman said, citing ambiguities surrounding the timeline for unfreezing Iranian assets and the scope of American commitments to restrain Israeli military operations in Lebanon.
Friedman emphasized that deep-seated mistrust in Tehran, exacerbated by repeated instances where diplomatic engagement was followed by Israeli or American military strikes, led Iranian negotiators to adopt an unyielding posture. At the same time, he noted that Iran likely miscalculated by using disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz to aggressively force leverage.
“The Trump administration remained intent on this sort of grand bargain that would restrain Iran seeking weapons development… and I think they continue to misread the Iranian willingness to sign that kind of deal,” Friedman noted, adding that Tehran viewed its leverage over the Strait of Hormuz as essential despite the risk of provoking further strikes.
Expressing deep skepticism over the prospects for a lasting diplomatic breakthrough, Friedman criticized the administration’s reliance on informal envoys such as Steve Bannon and Jared Kushner over professional diplomatic channels, predicting that the baseline outcome will remain an unpredictable, episodic conflict.
“What’s more likely is a kind of on-off-again kind of war—sort of what we’re in now, where we have occasional strikes, with the United States perhaps by accident adopting the Israeli model of ‘mowing the lawn’ periodically,” Friedman said.
Addressing the efficacy of US air power, Friedman argued that military operations against Iranian targets have reached a point of diminishing returns. While early strikes successfully eliminated critical high-value assets—such as over-the-horizon radar systems that targeted anti-ship missiles—Iran’s ballistic missile and long-range drone capabilities remain largely intact and operational.
He pointed to a recent strike on a base hosting US personnel in Jordan, launched from western Iran over a distance exceeding 1,000 kilometers, as evidence of Tehran’s sustained strike precision and the tactical limits of American interdiction efforts.
“The war is a failure for air power even in a tactical sense,” Friedman stated. “Initially, we looked at it and said we had a lot of success in destroying targets, but as more information came out, it turned out they had maybe more than half of their missiles and launchers survive the initial phase of the war.”
Friedman observed that the global proliferation of low-cost, high-precision guidance technology has permanently altered the strategic landscape, neutralizing the traditional invulnerability of forward-deployed US installations. “The precise effects of air power that used to be almost a monopoly of the United States… is actually making our posture in the region less sustainable,” he said, warning that similar vulnerabilities would be vastly amplified in any potential high-intensity conflict with China.
As an alternative to open-ended military engagement, Friedman suggested that Washington consider a complete military withdrawal from the region, even if it entails accepting Iranian transit fees on commercial shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. “The cost of preventing that through perpetual outbursts of warfare is much higher than just accepting it,” he noted.
Turning to regional dynamics, Friedman addressed Israel’s current absence from active strike operations against Iran, characterizing it as a calculated move to preserve its own air defense interceptors while relying on Washington to bear the operational and political burdens of containment.
On European security and the broader alliance structure, Friedman offered a critical assessment of the NATO summit in Ankara and the administration’s “NATO 3.0” concept. He described the white paper led by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth as an effort to coerce European states into escalating defense expenditures and purchasing American hardware under the threat of reduced security guarantees, rather than executing a structured, strategic US posture adjustment.
“This is not a real US withdrawal; it’s a kind of pressure to up your loyalty in a particular way,” Friedman said, noting that major European powers such as Germany, France, and the UK lack a compelling existential incentive to construct independent, large-scale conventional war-fighting capabilities.
Regarding bilateral relations with Ankara, Friedman noted that US-Turkish tensions have eased considerably following the shift in American posture in Syria and progress toward resolving long-standing friction points, including the F-35 program and S-400 procurement. He added that while Israeli leadership under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has expressed frustration over Washington’s constructive engagement with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the White House has maintained its strategic course despite pressure from domestic pro-Israel lobbying groups.
Addressing internal Republican Party dynamics, Friedman highlighted the evolving public stance of Vice President J.D. Vance, whose cautious criticism of Israeli influence and emphasis on divergent national interests reflects broader ideological shifts within the conservative base.
“Vance is more representative of the shift in the Republican Party,” Friedman said. “He’s criticizing them in a limited way and saying, ‘Our interests are different.’ From the perspective of those of us who would like the United States to have a more distant relationship from Israel, it’s progress.”
Looking ahead to the upcoming US midterm elections, Friedman anticipated that a loss of congressional control by the Republican Party would severely curtail the administration’s domestic executive overreach, though its structural impact on foreign policy execution and Middle Eastern operations would remain comparatively limited.
Diplomacy
UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham pledges full support to Ukraine in meeting with Zelenskyy
UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham has met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Portsmouth, England.
Zelenskyy is the first world leader Burnham has met in person since taking office, with the prime minister committing to building a “firm partnership” between the United Kingdom and Ukraine.
Demonstrating their support, the two leaders toured a military base in Portsmouth where 200 Ukrainian troops are currently undergoing naval training exercises.
Burnham described his meeting with the Ukrainian president as “warm” and said he plans to visit Ukraine soon.
“We will build this together and address the various issues President Zelenskyy is facing, many of which we discussed today,” Burnham said.
The meeting follows an announcement by London that it will share intellectual property rights to assist Kyiv’s war effort.
The new prime minister announced that the UK will share the “Stone Cloak” electronic warfare system—which is fitted to drones to prevent detection—and will assist Ukraine in mass-producing the technology.
Burnham has focused primarily on domestic matters since replacing Keir Starmer, who faced criticism from elements within his own party for spending too much time abroad and focusing heavily on foreign affairs.
However, Burnham sought to signal continuity in Britain’s policy toward Ukraine. In one of his first phone calls after becoming prime minister last week, Burnham invited Zelenskyy to visit the UK “as soon as possible.”
Starmer spent his final full day as prime minister in Kyiv, where he announced £255 million in funding for Ukraine.
Speaking to Sky on Monday, Zelenskyy said his telephone conversation with Burnham had been “very good.”
The Ukrainian leader noted that Starmer had previously assured him that “the new government would maintain the policy of supporting Ukraine during the war.”
The new prime minister told the Ukrainian leader it was “no coincidence” that he was his first international visitor since moving into Downing Street.
“The purpose of this is to send a very clear message. We stand 100% with Ukraine, I personally stand 100% with you, and I will fully deliver on every commitment this country has made to Ukraine,” Burnham said.
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