Diplomacy
Türkiye freezes assets of 31 Iranian individuals and entities linked to nuclear program
Türkiye has decided to freeze the assets of 16 individuals and 15 organizations stated to be linked to Iran’s nuclear program.
The decision, signed by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and published in the Official Gazette on October 1, 2025, was based on the relevant resolutions of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).
The action was taken under Law No. 7262, the “Law on the Prevention of the Financing of the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction.” The Ministry of Treasury and Finance will be responsible for the implementation of the decision.
The individuals and organizations whose assets have been frozen have the right to apply to the Audit and Cooperation Commission for their appeal to be forwarded to the UNSC.
Meanwhile, there is a disagreement between Western countries and Russia and China regarding the legal validity of the UN sanctions.
Western countries argue that Iran has violated its obligations under the nuclear deal and state that they have initiated the “trigger mechanism” that automatically restores UN sanctions.
In response, Russia and China emphasize that the activation of this mechanism lacks a legal basis, as the US withdrew from the agreement and the European parties failed to fulfill their commitments.
Moscow and Beijing had therefore announced that they do not recognize the interpretation that UN sanctions have been reinstated.
Who is on the list?
The annex to the decision published in the Official Gazette provides a detailed list of scientists, administrators, and critical institutions involved in various stages of Iran’s nuclear program.
The decision orders the freezing of assets of 16 individuals who are stated to have played a direct role in Iran’s nuclear activities.
Prominent among these names are experts working in fields such as uranium enrichment, reactor management, and material procurement.
— Davud Agha-Jani: Head of the Pilot Fuel Enrichment Plant (PFEP) at Natanz.
— Behman Asgarpour: Operational Manager at Arak.
— Seyyed Hossein Hosseini: An official of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI) involved in the heavy water research reactor project at Arak.
— Jafar Mohammadi: Technical advisor to the AEOI and responsible for the production of valves for centrifuges.
— Seyyed Jaber Safdari: Manager of the Natanz Enrichment Facilities.
— Ghasem Soleimani: Director of Uranium Mining Operations at the Saghand Uranium Mine.
The list also includes other senior officials involved in areas such as centrifuge component manufacturing, uranium conversion, and nuclear fuel research.
What are the targeted institutions and organizations?
Under the decision, the assets of 15 institutions and companies that form the main backbone of Iran’s nuclear program have also been frozen.
These organizations include research centers, financial structures, and supplier companies.
— Atomic Energy Organization of Iran: The main governing body of the program.
— Bank Sepah and Bank Sepah International: Stated to provide financial support to Iran’s Aerospace Industries Organization.
— Isfahan Nuclear Fuel Research and Production Center (NFRPC): An AEOI unit involved in enrichment-related activities.
— Kavoshyar Company: An AEOI subsidiary said to have attempted to procure vacuum induction furnaces and laboratory equipment for the nuclear program.
— Novin Energy Company: A company operating within the AEOI, stated to have transferred funds to organizations linked to the nuclear program.
— Tamas Company: An umbrella organization responsible for uranium extraction, enrichment, and processing activities.
The list also includes other critically important companies, such as Mesbah Energy Company, a supplier for the heavy water reactor at Arak, and Pars Trash Company, which is stated to be involved in the centrifuge program.
What is the trigger mechanism? How did the process unfold?
The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), signed in 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 countries (US, Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom, and Germany), imposed limitations on Tehran’s nuclear program in exchange for the lifting of severe UN sanctions.
This agreement was established on an international legal footing with UNSC Resolution 2231, adopted the same year.
The resolution included not only the lifting of sanctions but also a special provision known as “snapback.” This provision, referred to as the “trigger mechanism,” served as a safeguard, allowing for the reinstatement of all lifted UN sanctions if Iran seriously violated its obligations under the deal.
The mechanism was designed to bypass the veto power of permanent members in the Security Council. Under normal circumstances, a new vote in the Council is required to pass a sanctions resolution, and it must not be vetoed by any permanent member.
However, the snapback provision reverses the process: when one of the parties notifies that Iran is not fulfilling its obligations, the sanctions automatically return within 30 days unless a resolution to the contrary is adopted. This means that a veto from any country cannot stop the process.
Additionally, Resolution 2231 had limited the timeframe for using this right. The deadline to trigger the mechanism was October 18, 2025. After this date, the snapback option would cease to exist.
The crisis, which began with the unilateral withdrawal of the US administration under President Donald Trump from the agreement in 2018, deepened in the following years. Citing Washington’s sanctions, Iran began to increase its enriched uranium stockpiles and use advanced centrifuges.
In the summer of this year, Israel’s attacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities were followed by Tehran’s announcements of retaliation. During the same period, allegations that Iran was limiting its cooperation with the IAEA raised concerns in Western capitals. In response to this situation, Europe’s three major powers—France, Germany, and the United Kingdom (E3)—decided to activate the snapback mechanism.
On August 28, 2025, the governments of London, Paris, and Berlin submitted an official notification to the UN Security Council, announcing that Iran was in “significant non-performance” of its commitments under the agreement. This notification was the step that activated the trigger mechanism.
The notification initiated a 30-day process. If the Council did not pass a resolution to prevent the re-imposition of sanctions within this period, the old sanctions would automatically come back into effect. However, the likelihood of such a resolution passing in the Council was slim from the outset. Since any permanent member could block the resolution by withholding its approval, the path was clear for an automatic snapback.
By mid-September, no resolution to block the snapback had emerged from the Security Council. Consequently, around September 17, all previously lifted UN sanctions were automatically reinstated. The arms embargo, the ban on nuclear technology transfers, and travel restrictions and asset freezes on specific individuals and entities were reactivated.
The European Union also supported this step with a decision on September 29, re-implementing additional sanctions at its own level. Thus, Iran entered a new era of intensified international isolation.
Reactions from Iran, Russia, and China
The Tehran administration declared the process “legally invalid.” The Iranian Foreign Ministry described the E3’s initiative as “political and arbitrary.”
Officials argued that the mechanism was being misused and that the parties failing to fulfill their primary obligations were the US and Europe. They also showed resistance to the pressure by implying that they might restrict cooperation on IAEA inspections.
The snapback process also sparked debate in the international arena. Russia and China reacted strongly to the E3’s move.
Both countries attempted to have the snapback postponed in the Security Council. However, due to the structure of the mechanism, these efforts were unsuccessful. When the deadline expired, the sanctions automatically came into effect. Nevertheless, Russia and China announced that they do not recognize these sanctions.
Diplomacy
Iran rejects Turkish foreign minister’s comparison of regional policy to Israel
Iranian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei strongly criticized Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan’s recent statements comparing Iran’s regional actions to those of Israel, calling the comparison “astonishing and incorrect” during his weekly press conference.
In a comprehensive briefing on Monday, Baghaei addressed a wide range of foreign policy developments and regional security matters, including relations with Türkiye, the current state of diplomatic understandings with the United States, and Iran’s nuclear program.
“Hakan Fidan’s comparison is astonishing and incorrect”
When asked about Fidan’s assertions regarding Iran and his comparison of Iranian actions to those of the Israeli government, Baghaei sharply rejected the assessment.
“It is astonishing that a figure of Mr. Fidan’s standing would make such an unwarranted comparison,” Baghaei said. “He knows very well that the Israeli regime is expansionist by nature and seeks to harm the entire region, including Türkiye. How they arrived at such a bizarre comparison remains a major question for us.”
Baghaei asserted that Iran maintains no proxy forces in the region and argued that Israel represents the only true proxy entity in the Middle East. “We ask our Turkish friends to align their analyses with existing realities and to avoid repeating analyses that serve the exploitative interests of the Israeli regime,” the spokesperson added.
The remarks follow recent statements by Fidan, in which he addressed the ongoing conflict involving Hezbollah and Hamas, describing them as Iranian proxies in the region.
“We need to return to a situation where the sovereignty and territorial integrity of every nation is fully recognized,” Fidan had stated. “Iran has long claimed to pursue a preventive security policy by maintaining proxies in these countries, just as the Israelis occupy the rest of the region as part of their own security.”
“The Islamabad Agreement has entered a crisis phase”
Responding to a question regarding the status of the Islamabad Agreement, Baghaei stated: “There is no doubt that this agreement has entered a crisis phase.”
While emphasizing that Iran approaches all negotiations with seriousness and precision, and fulfills its commitments in good faith once an agreement is reached, Baghaei accused the opposing party of failing to honor its pledges.
“They were so eager to breach the agreement that they did not even allow the one-month period specified in Article 5 regarding the Strait of Hormuz to run its course. They began backsliding from the very first days,” Baghaei said. “Looking at the 14 articles of the memorandum of understanding, the Americans dismantled different components of the agreement within this short timeframe. We have maintained from the beginning that it is a matter of ‘commitment for commitment.’ As long as the other party fulfills its obligations, we will remain committed to ours.”
“We reject the IAEA’s request to access damaged facilities”
Asked about the request by International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi for inspectors to return to Iran and visit damaged nuclear facilities, Baghaei delivered a flat rejection, stating that the request would not be granted.
Addressing separate reports regarding satellite imagery of nuclear facility reconstruction, Baghaei noted that he had not yet seen the satellite images in question and therefore declined to comment.
“We will not allow the Strait of Hormuz to be threatened by the US”
Commenting on maritime security in the Strait of Hormuz and allegations that the United States is providing military escorts to 20 vessels, Baghaei reiterated Iran’s opposition to the presence of extra-regional forces.
Baghaei stated that regional security can only be achieved without foreign intervention, through consultative mechanisms among regional countries. He added that the US military presence is a source of insecurity in the region.
“We will not allow the Strait of Hormuz to become an area of threat against Iran’s interests,” the spokesperson said. “We made genuine efforts to ensure navigation security, but the US was the party that undermined the process. The claims regarding vessel escorts demonstrate that the US is continuing its interventionist and aggressive policies in the region.”
Regarding the interpretation of Article 5 of the memorandum of understanding, Baghaei stated that the text is clear and leaves no room for interpretation.
He noted that provisions designating the management of the strait to Iran, in consultation with Oman, were included in the text to protect Iranian interests. He added that the US is attempting to establish parallel routes by provoking regional countries, which he warned causes environmental issues and jeopardizes maritime safety.
“The declaration by the three European countries is null and void”
Referring to a joint declaration issued by France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, Baghaei dismissed the statement as entirely invalid, accusing the European nations of attempting to distort facts.
He stated that the actions of the US and Israel are the source of instability and harm in both the region and the wider world, adding that such declarations do not contribute to any resolution.
Addressing claims made by the French Foreign Minister, Baghaei added that French officials should cease attempting to assume roles in matters that do not concern them.
“We have not conditioned cooperation with Afghanistan on recognition”
Baghaei provided details on a recent visit to Afghanistan by Alireza Jalalzadeh, the Deputy Foreign Minister for Consular Affairs, noting that discussions were conducted within the framework of consular affairs and people-to-people relations.
Highlighting that Iran shares a border of more than 900 kilometers with Afghanistan, hosts a large number of Afghan migrants, and maintains extensive commercial ties, Baghaei said: “We have not conditioned the official recognition of the Afghan administration on the cooperation necessary for the interests of both countries. The recognition process is a legal procedure, and a decision on this matter will be made when the time comes.”
“We do not make decisions on behalf of Lebanon”
Rejecting allegations that Iran is interfering in the internal affairs of Lebanon and Oman, Baghaei said: “We do not make decisions on behalf of anyone. The inclusion of Lebanon’s name in the memorandum of understanding demonstrates Iran’s sense of responsibility toward maintaining international security. In the first article of the text, we emphasized the need to end the war on all fronts, including Lebanon. This is not a matter of decision-making; the decision belongs to the Lebanese people.”
Addressing international pressure regarding the disarmament of Hezbollah, Baghaei stated that the Lebanese people are best positioned to understand the value of the resistance’s weapons in protecting their sovereignty, and that any decision on the matter rests solely with them.
“Trump’s claims are false”
Baghaei denied claims made by former US President Donald Trump regarding Iran’s conduct during nuclear negotiations.
“Lying has become a behavioral pattern and an addiction for the US,” Baghaei said. “The talks held in Muscat on Saturday focused exclusively on the Strait of Hormuz. We attempted to establish a mechanism to ensure the safe passage of vessels through Omani mediation, but this outcome was not reached due to pressure exerted on Oman.”
He added that alleged assassination plots against Trump were never a subject of negotiation.
“The death of Lindsey Graham will not grieve free people”
When asked to comment on the death of US Senator Lindsey Graham, Baghaei remarked:
“The Angel of Death is just. One cannot expect the peoples of the region to mourn a figure who built his life philosophy on aggression, war, and terror, and who boasted of being the greatest supporter of genocide. The death of this aggressive senator will not grieve the heart of any free person.”
Diplomacy
NATO leadership sees no evidence of Russian preparations for attack on Baltics by 2030
The military and political leadership of NATO sees no evidence that Russia is preparing for a potential attack on the Baltic states by 2030, according to a report by The Times, citing a senior alliance source.
“I see absolutely no sign that Russia is interested in engaging in any conflict with NATO,” the high-ranking source told the newspaper. The official added that they had no intention of speculating on the date of a potential conflict, as some other officials within the alliance have done.
The Times noted that rhetoric suggesting an open military conflict between NATO and Russia could begin in 2030 is primarily being used to mobilize the resources of the alliance’s member states. The report stated that this framing aims to encourage members to meet a defense spending target set at 5% of their gross domestic product (GDP) by 2035. Speaking to the newspaper on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara, Martin O’Donnell, spokesperson for the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE), said that allies currently have a “window of opportunity” to build up the capabilities already agreed upon.
Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov has previously stated that the militarization of Europe would require Russia to take additional measures to guarantee its national security.
As the implications of these developments continue to play out in the military arena, Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda announced on July 9 that NATO leadership has converted the mandate of the Baltic air policing mission from air patrol to a combat footing.
The day before this decision, leaders attending the NATO summit in Ankara pointed to the “long-term threat Russia poses to Euro-Atlantic security and stability” in a joint declaration.
NATO has repeatedly expressed concerns over a potential conflict with Russia. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has urged member states not to be “naive” about threats coming from Russia and to increase their defense spending. Similarly, the commander of the German Army, Christian Freuding, asserted on June 12 that his country must “be ready for a Russian attack” by 2029 or sooner, stating, “We must be ready for war.”
In contrast, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksandr Grushko claimed in a June 22 interview with the Izvestia newspaper that NATO and the European Union are preparing for a military conflict with Russia on the horizon of 2030. Grushko noted that from a military perspective, there is now little difference between NATO and the EU regarding aggressive ambitions toward Moscow, and that their main objective is to inflict a strategic defeat on Russia.
The Moscow administration has repeatedly emphasized that it has no intention of attacking Europe. Russian President Vladimir Putin has stated that there are no geopolitical, economic, or military reasons to fight the alliance. Nevertheless, Putin has also stated that “all NATO countries are virtually at war with Russia.”
Last year, representatives of NATO countries approved a declaration agreeing to raise military spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. Under this target, 3.5% of spending is projected to go directly to the military budget, while 1.5% is to be allocated indirectly to defense through cybersecurity and the modernization of highways.
Diplomacy
Zelenskyy announces sweeping Ukrainian cabinet shakeup as Prime Minister Sviridenko resigns
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has announced a sweeping structural overhaul of the government, confirming that a new prime minister will soon take office.
Following the announcement, the Ukrainian leader held a series of meetings over a two-and-a-half-hour period with potential candidates positioned to succeed Yulia Sviridenko as prime minister.
“Political strategy is changing”
Writing on his Telegram channel, Zelenskyy announced that the structure of the cabinet of ministers will change and that Sviridenko, who is stepping down from her post, will be assigned to a new role.
The Ukrainian president stated that the country is renewing its political strategy. Under the new approach, specific individuals with extensive experience will be put in charge of each priority foreign policy direction to implement agreements reached at the leadership level and to meet the expectations of the Ukrainian people.
Approximately one hour after Zelenskyy’s statement, Sviridenko confirmed her departure from the post of Prime Minister of Ukraine via a message on social media.
Thanking the president for his high valuation of her work, Sviridenko stated that she and Zelenskyy had discussed future steps.
Sviridenko began her career in the Ukrainian government in 2019 as Deputy Minister of Economy. Between 2020 and 2021, she served as deputy head of the presidential office, during which time she participated in negotiations regarding the Donbas.
In November 2021, she assumed control of economic management as First Deputy Prime Minister. In the spring of 2025, she signed a resource agreement with the US on behalf of Ukraine.
Zelenksyy proposed that Sviridenko lead the government in July 2025, and the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament, approved her candidacy with 262 votes in a session held on July 17, 2025.
Prior to Sviridenko, Denys Shmyhal had led the cabinet since March 2020. He currently serves as the Minister of Energy.
Priority targets of the new cabinet established
Zelenskyy outlined the primary areas of focus for the renewed government, listing relations with the US—specifically licensing agreements for the production of Patriot systems and security cooperation—as top priorities.
Other core objectives include the European anti-ballistic missile project, the European Union accession process, relations with neighboring states—particularly Poland and Hungary—cooperation with the Middle East, the Gulf countries, and China, as well as relations with international organizations.
The Ukrainian leader also stressed the need to strengthen operations along the front lines and border regions, increase weapons supplies, complete winter preparations, accelerate the transformation of state-owned enterprises, and implement agreements reached with partners regarding the reconstruction of Ukraine.
Who could succeed Sviridenko as prime minister?
The last major reshuffle in the Ukrainian government took place a year ago, with Sviridenko assuming the premiership in July 2025.
Under Ukrainian law, the candidate for prime minister must be proposed by the majority coalition in the Verkhovna Rada.
Once appointed, the prime minister submits the majority of the cabinet members to parliament for approval.
Russian President Vladimir Putin previously stated that the only legitimate power in Ukraine is the Verkhovna Rada. According to Putin’s assessment, the only authority qualified to participate in peace talks is the speaker of the Ukrainian parliament, asserting that Zelenskyy lacks legitimacy and therefore has no authority to sign any document.
According to a report by the Ukrainska Pravda newspaper, citing sources familiar with the matter, potential candidates being considered for the premiership include:
- Sergiy Koretskyy, Chairman of the Board of Naftogaz and Director of Ukrnafta
- Denys Shmyhal, Minister of Energy
- Mykhailo Fedorov, Minister of Defense
- Ihor Terekhov, Mayor of Kharkiv
Zelenskyy announced that he met with all of these officials, as well as Ukrainian Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko, during the day.
Sources familiar with the matter who spoke to RBC-Ukraine stated that the president’s decision to renew the government came as a surprise to many. The sources informing the publication also put forward Koretskyy’s name for the premiership.
Sources speaking to Bloomberg also pointed to Koretskyy alongside Shmyhal. The agency reported that both Koretskyy and Shmyhal possess extensive experience in the energy sector, which partially explains their candidacy to succeed Sviridenko.
Meanwhile, Verkhovna Rada Deputy Yaroslav Zheleznyak reported that the parliamentary vote on the prime minister’s resignation could take place on July 13 or 14.
Zheleznyak stated that following this vote, the entire government will function in an interim capacity, with Shmyhal temporarily leading the administration in his capacity as deputy prime minister.
According to information shared by Zheleznyak, Sviridenko will become Ukraine’s new ambassador to the US. The Financial Times also reported, citing two sources, that the outgoing prime minister will be appointed to this post.
Zelenskyy stated that he had offered Sviridenko the opportunity to head a new and important direction in relations with a key partner, though he did not share specific details regarding which country or organization this would involve.
Subsequently, a report by the Interfax-Ukraine agency, citing sources, stated that Olga Stefanishyna, who currently serves as Ukraine’s Ambassador to the US, wishes to end her diplomatic service due to personal reasons.
Stefanishyna has held the post for less than a year, with Zelenskyy having signed the decree for her appointment in August 2025.
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