Diplomacy
War in Ukraine revives global arms industry

Russia-Ukraine war continues to make global arms industry giants earn money, especially the U.S. and Europe. Strong arms companies, particularly in Europe, aim to increase their production capacity to be able to keep up with the orders.
The famous British company BAE Systems, for example, decided to restart the discontinued production of M777 howitzer, which had succeeded in the war. According to the BAE, Central European countries are interested in M777. The company’s vice president, Mark Signorelli, added that they need order of at least 150 new M777 to start production again.
U.S. military approval is expected to start reproduction. New orders are also coming in for American HIMARS and Anglo-Swedish co-made NLAW portable anti-tank missiles.
U.S. based usual suspects Raytheon Technologies, Lockheed Martin and L3Harris Technologies are also winners of the war. L3Harris received an order worth $200 million to be sent to Ukraine. Raytheon has started using obsolete parts from the old Stingers and has called his retired staff back into office to increase production. Lockheed Martin doubled the production of Javelin anti-tank missiles and increased the production of HIMARS rocket launchers and GMLRS missiles by 60 per cent.
The war ‘relieves’ German Industry
Struggling German industry due to the cutting of cheap Russian gas, has been given a consolation called war. Germany’s automotive and defence company and one of Europe’s leading arms manufacturers Rheinmetall AG, acquired the Spanish explosive manufacturing company Expal for 1.2 billion euros. Armin Papperger, CEO of the company, said the customers will sign contracts with companies who have the capacity. According to Rheinmetall, Expal expected sales of around 400 million euros in 2023.
Rheinmetall shares have gained 115 per cent since January 1st. The company announced that it has increased tank ammunition manufacturing from 70,000 to 140,000 in one year. Rheinmetall, which also increased its cannon production from 70,000 to 110,000, also doubled its mortar production capacity. Papperger noted that they increased their potential medium-calibre ball production capacity from 1.2 million to 2.2 million annually and increased their capacity to produce military trucks from 2,500 to 4,000.
Rohde & Schwarz, who developed German military communication equipment other than Rheinmetall, Traton of Volkswagen, who developed military vehicles together with Rheinmetall, and Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (KMW), the manufacturer of Leopard 2 tanks, are also struggling to fulfil orders.
The German government had recently ordered 100 Panzerhaubitze 2000 self-propelled howitzer to be sent to Ukraine. KMW will be responsible for their production. The contract is said to be worth 1.7 billion euros. These howitzers have recently become a hot topic in the German media, claiming that they are the subject of a complaint in Ukraine because of their maintenance.
KNDS, the joint venture between KMW and France’s Nexter says governments should shape new arms contracts. KNDS CEO Frank Haun underlines that they cannot risk increasing capacity with just speeches and announcements.
The German government’s rearmament programme is also an incentive for its struggling economy. Carl Jonasson, CEO of Snigel Design, a Swedish maker of military gear, did not hide the fact that he was surprised by the size of the order they received from Germany in May.
Eastern and Central Europe find new export markets
In addition to German armament manufacturers, the war industry of the former Warsaw Pact countries has also achieved a significant market with the Ukrainian war.
Sebastian Chwalek, CEO of PGZ, the state-owned weapons and ammo consortium in Poland, said they have an important opportunity to enter new markets and increase export revenues in the coming years. The PGZ consortium controls over 50 companies, from weapons to shipping.
PGZ plans to invest 1.75 billion euros in the next decade, Chwalek told Reuters. That’s more than double its pre-war investment plan. The new production facilities will be built away from the border with Russia’s ally Belarus for security reasons, he said.
In 2023, Chwalek announced that they had reached the capacity to produce 1000 pieces of Piorun MANPAD systems. This figure was 600 in 2022 and 300 to 350 in previous years. The company’s pre-war 2022 revenue target was 1.43 billion euros. With the new situation, it is thought that this income will be much higher at the end of the year.
Czechia is also one of the countries that put the arms industry at the service of war in Ukraine. Prague has sold 2 billion euros of weapons and equipment to Kyiv, Czech Deputy Defence Minister Tomas Kopecny told Reuters. Czechia (then Czechoslovakia), the largest weapons producer after the USSR during the socialist bloc period, has realized its highest arms export since 1989.
David Hac, chief executive of Czech STV Group, the largest ammunition producer in Czechia, said that they would create new production lines for small-calibre ammunition and that they were considering expanding its large-calibre capability. Considering the tight labour market, Hajj added, they are trying to get new workers from a slowing automotive industry.
Another Czech war giant, the Czechoslovak Group, nearly doubled its revenues in the first half of 2022 compared to the same period of the previous year. The Group’s spokesman, Andrej Cirtek, said their sales to the Ukrainian army multiplied after the war in Ukraine started.
Surprise attack from South Korea
South Korea, which has become the world’s fourth largest arms exporter, is also one of the winners of the Ukrainian war. The K2 tanks developed by ROTEM, an affiliate of the Hyundai-Kia Automotive Group, are already targeted by many countries from Mexico to Qatar.
Although Seoul has declared that it will not provide lethal aid to Ukraine directly, it is reported that the United States wants to buy ammunition from Korea to send to Ukraine. When details of the deal surfaced in the Wall Street Journal, the South Korean Defence Ministry insisted that they believed the U.S. was the ammunition’s end user.
Despite all these statements, South Korea’s relation with the Ukrainian war is not new. Last September, South Korea inked the largest arms agreement with Poland in its history to supply 1,000 K2 tanks, more than 600 Hanwha K9 self-propelled howitzers and dozens of combat aircraft to Warsaw. This deal will help Poland to send more weapons to Ukraine.
Customers of Hanwha K9 howitzers include Finland, India, Norway, Estonia, Australia, Egypt, and Turkey.
Limits of the arms industry
Under threat of deindustrialisation, the consolation that Europe found in war has its limits. The defence industry’s renaissance may begin to descend again due to the rising cost of materials and energy and dependence on imports from third countries.
Most of the raw materials needed to produce military products are not mined or are mined in limited amounts in EU countries, Jiří Hynek, head of the Association for Weapons and Defence Industry of the Czech Republic, told EURACTIV. Hynek underlined that most of the crucial materials are imported from Asian and African countries.
The materials that are in short supply on the market today are: all packaging materials, many chemicals but also the cellulose required for manufacturing gunpowder, and synthetic rubber, whose prices are astronomical, Hynek said. The latest material is used for ballistic resistant vests, and the EU is dependent on Asia, especially China, for this substance.
The price of steel has gone from 700 euros per tonne to 3500 euros, while aluminium has risen from 5 euros per kilo to 15 euros, according to Paolo Può, president of the Italian military shipbuilder Cantiere Navale Vittoria. Noting that most of their contracts are signed with the state, Può added that they are asking the government for intervention in the sector.
Rheinmetall also announced that they are stockpiling raw materials. The German arms manufacturer said that they purchased aluminium and important plastics in the first place, adding that they also obtained semiconductors to avoid supply problems in the medium term. The company also mentioned they have significantly increased working capital this year.
In France, on the other hand, the war industry has been experiencing production difficulties since before the Ukrainian war due to the semiconductor and chip problems.
Diplomacy
UAE deploys Israeli radar in Somalia’s Puntland region

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has reportedly deployed an Israeli radar system in Somalia’s semi-autonomous Puntland region under a secret agreement. The silence from both Mogadishu and the Puntland administration lends weight to these claims.
According to a report in Middle East Eye (MEE), Puntland’s President Said Abdullahi Deni handed over Bosaso Airport to the UAE without parliamentary approval. Sources familiar with the matter stated that the UAE deployed the radar earlier this year, citing the need to protect the airport from potential Houthi attacks originating from Yemen.
Satellite imagery obtained in early March shows an Israeli-made ELM-2084 3D Active Electronically Scanned Array Multi-Mission Radar positioned near Bosaso Airport. It is reported that the radar is being used for air defense purposes, specifically to detect potential drone or missile threats from Yemen.
Public flight data indicates that the UAE has been using Bosaso Airport to provide support to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Sudan. The RSF has been in conflict with the Sudanese army for two years. The Sudanese government had filed a complaint with the International Court of Justice, accusing the UAE of providing military support to the RSF. The UAE denies these accusations.
Two separate sources who spoke to MEE on the matter stated that the radar was deployed late last year and that regular shipments were being made to the RSF. However, neither the Somali federal government nor Puntland officials have made any public statement regarding the radar deployment.
Puntland’s Minister of State, Abdifatah Abdinur, instead of answering questions, sent messages mocking President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Despite Puntland acting in a de facto independent manner, it is noted that the radar deployment in question did not receive approval from either the federal government or the Puntland parliament. It is alleged that Deni is preparing for the 2026 presidential elections with the political and financial support he receives from the UAE.
Salim Said Salim, President of the Puntland-based Sidra Institute, stated that the lack of an official statement about the radar, despite social media and satellite images, is noteworthy. Salim argued, “This silence confirms the accuracy of the claims,” and suggested that Mogadishu remains silent because it does not want to damage relations with the UAE.
The United Arab Emirates has been training the Somali army for years and providing support in the fight against Al-Shabaab. The UAE has increased its presence particularly in Puntland, which is geographically close to Yemen, and has also maintained a military presence in the region to combat piracy.
On the other hand, the UAE’s investments in the separatist Somaliland region and its treatment of the region’s president as a head of state are causing discomfort for the Mogadishu administration. Somali Foreign Minister Ahmed Mo Fiqi announced that they had sent a letter to the UAE demanding an end to this practice.
Diplomacy
NATO members hit record $1.3 trillion defense spending

NATO’s 32 members allocated a total of $1.303 trillion to defense spending last year, exceeding estimates, and 22 members met the 2% GDP target.
According to figures published by the military alliance on Thursday, member countries’ defense spending reached a record level. A total of $468 billion (412 billion euros) was spent in Europe and Canada, with 38% of this allocated to major equipment purchases. Meanwhile, the US share was $818 billion (720 billion euros).
According to the document, NATO members spent $200 billion (176 billion euros) less on defense in the previous year, 2023, indicating a 19% increase in spending in the reported year. The figures are based on 2021 prices.
A total of 22 countries also achieved the target of spending 2% of their GDP on defense. In the initial estimates published at the beginning of the year, 23 countries were expected to meet the target, but Montenegro did not achieve this target.
Belgium (1.29%), Italy (1.5%), and Spain (1.24%), traditionally at the bottom of the class, remained below the 2% target. Canada also failed to meet the target (1.45%).
Some key security actors like the United Kingdom (2.33%), Germany (2.1%), and France (2.03%) met or exceeded the target.
According to the data, most of the cash resources are directed to the eastern flank, i.e., border regions with Russia, the Baltic countries, and Poland. Greece is also among the countries that traditionally spend heavily.
This situation creates a challenging backdrop for discussions with Washington.
Washington is pushing to increase the defense spending target from 2% of GDP to 5%. As discussions continue, NATO diplomats suggest that a compromise around 3% or 3.5% could be reached. The final decision will be made at the leaders’ summit in The Hague at the end of June.
Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson said last week that the regular defense spending target could be “set at 3.5%, with an additional 1.5% for non-military areas”.
The Swedish leader added a new dimension to the discussions ahead of the summit by stating that “discussions are ongoing” regarding setting a target in NATO for “civil defense, readiness, and support for Ukraine”.
Diplomacy
Major refineries in China and Türkiye restart buying Russian oil

Russian oil falling below the $60 per barrel price cap and the absence of new restrictive measures from the US have somewhat eased concerns among major buyers wary of US sanctions.
According to a Reuters report citing industry sources, state-owned Sinopec, China’s and generally Asia’s largest oil refinery, has resumed imports after a pause in March to assess sanction risks.
Sources stated that Unipec, the Chinese company’s trading arm, signed contracts for ESPO grade oil to be shipped in May.
Shipments were suspended in March following a threat by US President Donald Trump to impose tariffs on buyers of Russian oil.
Tüpraş, meanwhile, placed an order for Ural grade oil last week. Tüpraş had halted purchases due to concerns about violating sanctions imposed by the Joe Biden administration on January 10.
However, in April, global oil prices fell due to the trade war initiated by Trump: the price of Brent crude oil dropped below $60 per barrel.
The price of Ural crude oil had fallen below $50, and although quotas were later increased, Russia’s main oil grade was still trading below $60.
Reuters sources explained that purchases made below the price cap set by Western countries allowed Tüpraş to carry out barrel imports from Russia without concern.
Sinopec, however, is not paying much attention to the price: ESPO crude oil is more expensive and has almost never sold for less than $60 per barrel throughout the price cap, which has been in effect for over two years.
Traders note that the cargoes purchased by the Chinese for loading in May were sold at a $2 premium to the Brent price.
Brent crude was trading below $67 on Wednesday, but had traded at lower prices in previous days.
Sources said that Unipec has so far signed contracts for far fewer cargoes than those purchased before Biden’s January sanctions.
India has also started increasing shipments, which it had reduced in February-March.
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