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US officials voice alarm over Saudi-Türkiye defense talks as Riyadh eyes KAAN fighter

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Saudi Arabia’s strategic pivot toward diversifying its defense procurement is causing friction within the Trump administration, with US officials expressing growing concern over Riyadh’s burgeoning aerospace partnership with Türkiye.

According to reports from Middle East Eye (MEE), current and former US officials are increasingly wary that the Kingdom’s defense negotiations with Ankara could erode Washington’s long-standing dominance in the Saudi arms market.

The friction comes despite a high-profile reception for Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman at the White House in November. During that visit, President Donald Trump announced that Saudi Arabia would move forward with the acquisition of advanced F-35 stealth fighters as part of a comprehensive strategic defense agreement. However, the administration has since sought urgent clarity regarding Riyadh’s parallel talks with regional competitors.

While Saudi Arabia reportedly provided assurances to Washington that it would not proceed with the purchase of Pakistan’s JF-17 Thunder fighter, it has notably withheld similar guarantees regarding its potential participation in Türkiye’s fifth-generation KAAN fighter program.

The prospect of a Saudi-Turkish jet deal has met with skepticism among former Trump administration defense officials. Bilal Saab, who held senior defense roles during Trump’s first term, questioned the operational logic of the move.

“The Saudi inventory is already exceptionally robust,” Saab noted. “I struggle to see where a Turkish fighter fits into this architecture. They already operate the world’s most advanced F-15s—in some respects superior to those in the US inventory. They have the Eurofighter Typhoon, and they are slated to receive the F-35.”

A US official, speaking on condition of anonymity, clarified that while Washington does not view the KAAN as a direct replacement for the F-35, it views the potential deal as “leaving cash on the table” that could otherwise be spent on US hardware. The administration’s prevailing message to Riyadh has been blunt: “What specific need is not being met by the US that necessitates going to Türkiye for the KAAN?”

According to officials, the Trump administration remains committed to a “sole provider” doctrine, prioritizing US exports as the primary pillar of bilateral defense ties.

Though analysts do not anticipate a full-scale diplomatic crisis, the tension underscores a fundamental clash between the Trump administration’s “zero-sum” economic nationalism and the Middle East’s shift toward multipolar defense alliances.

Hesham Alghannam of the Naif Arab University for Security Sciences in Riyadh argued that the Kingdom’s interest in the KAAN program is aimed at expanding strategic options rather than replacing the US as its primary ally. However, he warned that if Washington continues to view such moves solely through the lens of competition, it may be interpreted as a fundamental shift in Riyadh’s orientation.

The momentum for the partnership appears to be building. During a visit to Saudi Arabia in February, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated that a joint investment agreement for the KAAN could be “signed at any moment.” A model of the aircraft, emblazoned with Saudi insignia, was prominently displayed at the World Defense Show in Riyadh. Officials from Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) suggested a potential deal could involve the production of between 20 and 50 aircraft.

While Türkiye markets the KAAN as an indigenous project, the platform currently relies on General Electric F110 engines, meaning any export to Riyadh would still require the ultimate approval of the US Congress.

The F-35 remains the centerpiece of the regional arms race. While President Trump promised Riyadh parity with Israel’s stealth capabilities, Israel continues to exercise a de facto “Qualitative Military Edge” (QME) veto over regional sales. In November, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claimed to have received US assurances that any F-35s delivered to Saudi Arabia would feature reduced specifications compared to Israel’s fleet.

This dynamic has left the Trump administration caught between the influential pro-Israel lobby and its own desire to maximize Gulf exports. Consequently, Riyadh has utilized alternative negotiations to bolster its leverage. Analysts point to Saudi Arabia’s previous interest in the Russian S-400 system—which preceded its purchase of the US THAAD system—as evidence of this “hedging” strategy.

Türkiye’s competitive advantage lies in its willingness to offer joint production and technology transfer. Under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030, Riyadh aims to localize 50% of its defense spending. The perceived slow pace of technology sharing from Washington has made Ankara’s more flexible partnership model increasingly attractive.

The defense talks also signal a broader geopolitical recalibration. As Riyadh finds itself at odds with the UAE on files ranging from Sudan to Yemen, it has moved to strengthen ties with a new bloc including Pakistan, Türkiye, Qatar, and Egypt.

Cinzia Bianco of the European Council on Foreign Relations noted that while the F-35 deal has been decoupled from the Israel normalization process, Israeli influence in Washington remains a significant hurdle. Despite these complications, sources indicate Riyadh remains prepared to acquire the F-35 even with downgraded specifications, provided it can simultaneously secure indigenous production capabilities through partners like Türkiye.

Middle East

US waives human rights terms on $320m military aid to Egypt

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The US State Department stated that it has waived human rights conditions on more than $300 million in military aid to Egypt.

The statement emphasised that this decision was taken in consideration of Cairo’s “helpful role” since the outbreak of the war against Iran.

Egypt began receiving substantial support from the US after signing a peace treaty with Israel in 1979.

Since the late 1980s, the country has received approximately $1.3 billion annually in US military assistance.

A portion of this aid is subject to conditions related to human rights and democracy, which can be waived on national security grounds.

Withholding funds, including during the administration of former US President Joe Biden, has caused tension between Cairo and Washington in the past.

A letter dated 21 September and addressed to various congressional committees, obtained by Reuters, stated that Secretary of State Marco Rubio “decided to waive the certification requirement under the fiscal year 2025 Foreign Military Financing programme for Egypt of $320 million.”

This waiver was subsequently confirmed by the State Department.

An accompanying memorandum justifying the decision stated that this portion of military aid was “essential for counterterrorism, border security, or non-proliferation programmes, or otherwise important to the national security interests of the United States.”

The memorandum, dated 4 September and bearing Rubio’s signature, stated: “Exercising this waiver authority is critical to the US-Egypt relationship and to US national security priorities, particularly given the helpful role Egypt has played in the aftermath of Operation Epic Fury.”

“Operation Epic Fury” is the designation used by the US military for the campaign launched jointly with Israel against Iran in late February.

The State Department memorandum, whose authenticity was confirmed by two sources in Washington familiar with the letter, did not provide detailed information regarding what was termed Egypt’s “helpful role”.

The State Department’s annual decision on military aid to Egypt typically covers funds allocated for the preceding fiscal year, which ends on 30 September.

A State Department spokesperson stated that Rubio waived the certification in the interest of US national security and that the US continues to cooperate with the Egyptian government across a range of issues.

In an emailed statement, the spokesperson said: “This waiver recognizes the importance of maintaining security cooperation with Egypt at a time of significant security challenges in the region.”

The Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not immediately comment on the matter.

The spillover effects of the Iran war have imposed a heavy toll on US security partners, including Egypt.

Owing to rising fuel prices and other disruptions, the Egyptian economy is passing through a difficult period.

Under the Biden administration, the US withheld portions of the annual military allocation on multiple occasions over Egypt’s human rights record.

In 2024, following the Hamas-led 7 October attack on Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza, the Biden administration set aside human rights conditions, disbursing the entire $1.3 billion allocation to Egypt for the first time in its tenure.

Human rights organisations have long accused Egypt, under the administration of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, of widespread human rights abuses, including torture and enforced disappearances.

This week, Egyptian police detained six journalists from a fact-checking and investigative media outlet, accusing them of spreading false information on behalf of the banned Muslim Brotherhood.

Egyptian authorities state that they have taken steps to address human rights issues. Sisi said stability is paramount and that the government supports human rights by working to provide for basic needs.

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Britain expands curbs on arms exports to Israel over Gaza risks

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Britain has significantly broadened its military export restrictions targeting Israel, suspending or rejecting more than 80 licences for items the IDF could use in Gaza.

This figure is nearly triple the number affected when the policy was first introduced in September 2024.

United Kingdom Minister of State for the Middle East Stephen Doughty said that as part of what he described as a “tighter system” for assessing exports to Israel, more than 50 further export applications have been refused since approximately 30 licences were initially suspended.

Under the initial decision taken in September 2024, 30 of roughly 350 licences were suspended after the British government concluded there was a “clear risk” that certain military exports could be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza.

The affected equipment included components for military aircraft, drones, naval systems, and targeting gear.

Doughty said additional measures adopted this month established what he termed a “double safeguard” mechanism within the approvals process.

Export applications must now be assessed both against existing international humanitarian law criteria and in light of Britain’s position on the legality of Israel’s presence in the Palestinian territories.

“We have so far suspended or refused more than 80 licences,” Doughty said, adding that he had personally examined each licence.

Despite the wider restrictions, British-origin parts entering the international F-35 fighter jet supply chain continue to be largely exempt.

The UK government argues that preventing British-made components from entering the global F-35 pool could undermine the programme as a whole and have serious consequences for the security of the UK and its allies.

Direct exports of F-35 parts intended specifically for Israel remain suspended.

Doughty defended maintaining the supply of components via the international programme, arguing that halting it could have severe ramifications for the broader European and allied security architecture.

Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Emily Thornberry challenged this position, arguing that the issue was political rather than purely legal.

Thornberry suggested adopting an approach similar to the Dutch model, under which components entering the international supply chain could be flagged as “not intended for aircraft bound for Israel”.

The initial suspension was implemented in September 2024 by then Foreign Secretary David Lammy.

Lammy stressed at the time that the measure did not constitute an arms embargo and applied solely to items assessed as usable in military operations in Gaza.

Since then, the policy has been tightened further under Prime Minister Andy Burnham.

The expanded export restrictions follow the Burnham government’s adoption of a more confrontational policy toward the Israeli government.

Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband drew sustained applause at the Labour Party’s annual conference in Liverpool after delivering a sharp critique of the Netanyahu government’s policies and defending the decision to ban trade with Israeli settlements in the West Bank.

Accusing Israel of committing war crimes in Gaza, Miliband stated that the British government heard public outrage over the conflict, telling delegates: “We hear you. You were right.”

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Middle East

Netanyahu holds secret UAE talks with Saudi Arabia and Arab officials

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with representatives of Gulf and Arab nations that lack diplomatic ties with Israel, including Saudi Arabia, during his weekend visit to the United Arab Emirates.

Sources close to the gathering told the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth on Monday that representatives from Morocco, Libya, Jordan, and Qatar also took part in the meeting.

Netanyahu made a unannounced visit to Abu Dhabi on Sunday, where he met with the country’s leader, Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

According to Israeli media, this marked the first time the United Arab Emirates officially confirmed a visit by Netanyahu.

The meeting was arranged by Mossad Director Roman Goffman “at the request of Saudi Arabia, which asked for Israel’s assistance against Houthi attacks in the Red Sea region,” according to Yedioth Ahronoth.

The discussions addressed Iran and the Houthi militia. The newspaper added that the Arab states heard from Israel that “Israel is prepared to assist countries in the region with air defence systems, just as it aided the UAE during the conflict with Iran.”

Conflict in Yemen intensified in September when Ansarullah militiamen launched a rapid offensive that seized Yemen’s entire Red Sea coastline, including the vital maritime corridor of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

The Yemeni resistance also imposed a blockade on Saudi Arabia’s energy exports and staged multiple attacks against the kingdom.

Saudi Arabia reportedly sought military assistance from the US to counter Ansarullah.

Washington declined to attack the Houthis directly, but announced that it would provide intelligence and targeting support.

Reporting on the same visit, The Jerusalem Post said Netanyahu spent six hours in the UAE and that the principal subject of his discussions with MBZ was Iran.

Citing sources familiar with the matter, the newspaper added that the trip came “after Netanyahu exerted heavy pressure on the United Arab Emirates to arrange a meeting ahead of the Israeli elections on 27 October.”

Separately, the Associated Press, citing a person with direct knowledge of the meeting, reported that Netanyahu’s visit to the UAE was arranged in part to ask MBZ to deny reports that he had warned the Israeli prime minister of an impending Hamas threat prior to 7 October 2023.

According to Israeli media, Netanyahu’s office denied the AP report, issuing the following statement:

“Fake news. The visit focused solely on strengthening ties between the two countries and on regional issues.”

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