Opinion
Trump’s push for Russia-Ukraine peace turned into a strategic dilemma
On May 22, Russian President Putin announced that he had decided to establish a necessary security buffer zone along the border with Ukraine. Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman Nikolenko immediately responded, stating that Putin’s remarks showed that Russia is the true obstacle to peace. Generally, creating a buffer zone along the border or front line implies that one or both warring parties intend to consolidate existing conflict results and establish a new long-term ceasefire or even de facto boundary of control. Russia’s decision signals that, in terms of territorial disputes, the three-year-long Russia-Ukraine war has tipped clearly in Russia’s favor. With this as a foundation, Russia seeks to shift the conflict to peace talks and thus reshape the geopolitical landscape and establish a new security order.
On the same day, Ukrainian President Zelensky emphasized that Ukraine was striving to ensure the next round of bilateral talks would happen soon but noted that Russia had not yet demonstrated equal readiness. Zelensky’s remarks showed a similarly unyielding position, indicating no willingness to make major territorial concessions.
In contrast, U.S. President Donald Trump, who once confidently promised a quick resolution to the Russia-Ukraine war, appears to have lost both confidence and interest, having encountered unexpected difficulties. Trump has no intention of offending Putin, whom he admires, nor can he influence Zelensky, whom he disparages. Thus, the idea of restarting a peace process upon returning to the White House has become an easily burst illusion. In fact, the positions of Russia and Ukraine are not only far apart, but the U.S. and Europe also hold diverging views. The Trump administration failed to realize that the slogan “Defend Ukraine” had become a strategic consensus among European allies for mutual support and collective defense. As a result, the Trump administration’s peace efforts are mired in strategic difficulties due to the lack of consensus.
Before and after taking office, Trump cooperated with Israel to defeat nearly all its regional adversaries, effectively ending what could be seen as the “Sixth Middle East War” by dismantling the “Axis of Resistance.” Currently, only Yemen’s Houthis are actively resisting Israel in support of the embattled Palestinian Hamas. Moreover, Trump successfully visited three Gulf nations, strengthened ties with Turkey, reconciled with longtime foe Syria, and is working to foster a historic breakthrough in Syrian-Israeli relations.
Despite having the capacity to reshape the Middle East, Trump is powerless in the complex Russia-Ukraine war. He admitted that his campaign claim to “end the war in 24 hours” was an offhand remark. His pressure on Ukraine and Europe failed, and he has even lost the initiative in leading peace talks.
On May 16, Russia and Ukraine resumed direct negotiations after three years, with Turkey—maintaining good relations with both sides—serving as a mediator. Apart from a humanitarian agreement to exchange 1,000 prisoners of war, no other progress was made due to the vast differences in peace conditions. Half the Ukrainian delegation wore military uniforms, signaling their readiness to fight to the end.
Russia’s conditions are well-known: Ukraine must relinquish its claim to Crimea, cede four eastern and southern regions to Russia, and vow never to join NATO. Ukraine’s bottom line is to cede no territory and continue its NATO membership pursuit.
After the Istanbul talks, Putin inspected the fully recaptured Kursk region and will soon visit Donbas, controlled by Russian forces. This over three-year war has now entered a new stalemate phase marked by a temporary Russian victory. With overwhelming military strength and vast occupied territory, Russia refuses Ukraine’s call for a ceasefire before negotiations and instead favors negotiating while fighting. This strategy prevents Ukraine from regrouping and aims to drive Ukrainian forces out of the remaining contested areas, securing full control of the four regions. The “border buffer zone” Putin spoke of essentially represents a redefined Russia-Ukraine boundary, securing complete victory in the war.
Russia holds battlefield initiative and strategic upper hand, Ukraine refuses to yield, and European countries are unwilling to abandon Ukraine. This complex situation has gradually drained the Trump administration’s confidence, patience, and courage, increasingly signaling a hands-off approach.
Trump once threatened Russia that if it refused to reach an agreement, the U.S. would impose “secondary tariffs” on its oil exports. However, after a two-hour phone call with Putin on the 19th, Trump completely discarded this verbal threat. Subsequently, in consultations with European leaders, Trump even openly indicated that the U.S. not only had no intention of sanctioning Russia but also planned to fully withdraw and let Russia and Ukraine resolve it themselves. Trump clearly emphasized: This is not America’s war — “This is Europe’s problem, and it should always remain Europe’s problem.”
Russian TASS commentator Hoffman stated after the Trump-Putin call that the conversation was less about future U.S.-Russia trade relations and more about Washington’s acknowledgment of a new geopolitical reality — one in which Russia defines the key parameters of a long-term solution. Another Russian commentator, Ivanikov, emphasized that the call opened the door to historic peace, needing only legal formalization. He also believed that “Trump obviously shares Russia’s perspective on the root causes of the Ukraine conflict.”
Trump’s efforts to resolve the Russia-Ukraine war have been severely frustrated due to several factors. First, he and his advisors overestimated the influence of American leadership in persuading European allies to compromise their core interests, mistakenly treating the territory and sovereignty of other nations as tradable commodities. Second, his advisory team consists largely of political amateurs, many of whom blindly idolize him and follow his lead without question. They lack strategic minds akin to Kissinger or Mearsheimer, turning U.S. mediation into empty talk, detached from geopolitical realities and national interests. Third, Trump and many of his cabinet members lack a deep understanding of European history and fail to grasp the basic rule that wars are easy to start but hard to end.
From the perspective of European history, today’s Russia-Ukraine crisis, conflict, and war are a continuation and repetition of centuries-old tensions between Russia and European nations. It reflects the cultural rejection of Russia by the West, despite its attempts to integrate; the collision between Russia’s quest for “imperial space” due to its deep-seated insecurity and the West’s entrenched Russophobia. It also echoes a long-term struggle between Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy over religious authority and legitimacy.
Throughout this long history of European land-based conflict, the more Russia fought, the more its territory expanded, with neighboring adversaries either eliminated or fragmented into small states. This has heightened Russia’s westward ambitions and intensified the defeated parties’ fear of Russia. The Baltic states repeatedly changed hands in power struggles involving Russia and its powerful neighbors; Poland was partitioned four times, including by Russia (and later the Soviet Union). A fragmented Europe, after WWII, had to rely on the distant yet powerful U.S. across the Atlantic to establish NATO — aiming to prevent a third German resurgence and to counter Russia’s long-term strategic pressure.
The eventual collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc led the West to continually erode Russia’s strategic space through EU and NATO expansion, undermining Russia’s national confidence and directly triggering conflicts such as the Georgia war, the two Nagorno-Karabakh wars, and today’s Russia-Ukraine war.
Therefore, European countries—whether small nations bordering Russia or traditional powers like Germany, France, and the UK farther from the frontlines—are unlikely to “reward” Russia by ceding Ukrainian territory. Instead, they are resolutely increasing military spending, strengthening defense capabilities, and continuously supporting Ukraine. This is part of a long-term strategy to independently defend Ukraine and Europe if the U.S. eventually betrays its allies completely.
Under such circumstances, Trump’s wishful thinking—hoping to exchange Ukrainian territory for European peace or sacrificing European security interests for U.S.-Russia reconciliation—will inevitably meet with collective resistance from both Ukraine and most European countries.
Of course, the awkward reality is that NATO remains under absolute U.S. leadership. European nations are unable to independently deploy NATO forces to defeat Russia or help Ukraine reclaim lost territory. The idea of an independent European military isn’t even at the stage of being a comforting illusion. Without full U.S. support, Europe becomes a “strategic orphan” composed of many dwarves—fragmented, bloated, and powerless. It can neither act alone nor together to confront a powerful neighbor like Russia. The new reality of Ukraine losing half its territory is also difficult to reverse.
The Trump administration is gradually abandoning leadership of the Western world and relinquishing its dominant position in NATO. Its focus on making America strong alone means it will never bleed to preserve Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity or help Europe fulfill its strategic dream of containing Russia. Although the Russia-Ukraine war has entered a new phase of direct negotiations, there is no chance for a win-win outcome. Ukraine and Europe’s best hope at present is to maintain the status quo and wait for the Republican administration to step down, hoping that a Democratic administration will return to the previous hardline policies. Even so, Ukraine and Europe are unlikely to win the war—unless a dramatic internal change occurs in Russia, or the country disintegrates. A united, nationalist Russia remains undefeated, especially not on its own doorstep.
History has long witnessed the power struggles between Russia and Europe. It shows that Russia has never willingly returned land it has occupied or annexed unless it was truly defeated—especially not places like Crimea or the four eastern and southern Ukrainian provinces, which are historically connected and home to many generations of ethnic Russians.
Three years ago, shortly after the Russia-Ukraine war broke out, the author predicted that this century’s war would end with a tragic Russian victory and a disastrous Ukrainian defeat. The forecast was that this continental war involving multiple actors would first become “Afghanistan-ized,” and eventually “Palestinian-ized.” Unfortunately, reality is step by step confirming this prediction.
Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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