Opinion
Trump’s ‘harvest tour’ of the Middle East ends fully loaded
On May 16, Middle East time, U.S. President Trump concluded a four-day official visit to three Arab countries in the Middle East. This marked Trump’s first state visit since reentering the White House, continuing his tradition of valuing the Middle East’s commercial and geopolitical significance. Although Trump unexpectedly “skipped” Israel, America’s top regional ally, this three-country trip — expected to be a “harvest tour” — proved fruitful. Whether it was selling arms, attracting investment, declaring policies, or “harvesting” enemies or strategic opponents, he achieved dazzling results. Judging solely by Trump’s success in massively “attracting funds,” the U.S. not only reinforced its military hegemony, but also showcased its outstanding geopolitical leverage and financial siphoning capabilities, making it hard for other powers or economies to keep up in the short term. In short, the United States remains the only extraterritorial power with strong shaping influence in the Middle East.
Starting May 13, Trump’s Middle East tour began in Saudi Arabia and ended with Qatar and the UAE. The entire process highlighted his “power diplomacy” and “transactional diplomacy.” These three countries are among the wealthiest in the Arab world and heavily rely on the U.S. for national security. It was widely expected that Trump would “suck in” massive amounts of money during the trip — yet the outcome still surprised many.
To ensure that wealthy but weak Gulf monarchies like Saudi Arabia continue their “ransom” policy — paying large sums to the U.S. for safety and status — Trump high-profiled his return to the White House by declaring he would dedicate his first foreign visit’s “first night” to Riyadh. Moreover, Trump invited Saudi Arabia to host the first high-level U.S.-Russia talks, giving full prestige to the host. He even suggested renaming the “Persian Gulf” to the “Arabian Gulf,” showing thorough preparation and calculated gestures.
Eight years ago, Trump’s first visit to the Gulf reaped over $115 billion in arms sales from Saudi Arabia, secured a ten-year $400 billion Saudi investment promise, and finalized a $40 billion arms deal with Qatar. On this return trip, Trump dropped his previous arrogant posture of mocking Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman at the White House. Instead, at the “Saudi-U.S. Investment Forum 2025” on May 13, he humbled himself, lavished praise, even flattery, repeatedly lauding the young host’s “greatness” and “wisdom,” which earned smiles, warm applause, and standing ovations from the de facto ruler.
U.S.-Saudi relations have entered a new honeymoon phase, arguably the highest point since the turn of the century. The key lies in benefit exchanges and petrodollar deals. On the day Trump arrived in Riyadh, the U.S. and Saudi Arabia signed a $142 billion arms deal, involving five categories of defense equipment and services from over ten American defense firms. Saudi Arabia also pledged to invest $600 billion in the U.S. to strengthen bilateral strategic ties, promote economic prosperity, and jointly aim to raise the investment total to $1 trillion in the coming months. This marked the largest arms and investment deal ever between the two nations. Saudi investments will bolster America’s energy security, defense industry, technological leadership, and access to global infrastructure and critical minerals.
Trump is very familiar with the subtle relations among the wealthy Arab neighbors — Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are both rising powers in the Arab League and compete economically and politically. Qatar, previously suppressed and isolated by the duo, has remained resilient thanks to its wealth and U.S. favor — earning a reputation as the “invincible Gulf mini-power.” Trump’s deliberate inclusion of all three countries aimed to leverage Saudi Arabia to draw in Qatar and the UAE, realizing his grand goal of a “trillion-dollar harvest tour.”
Just before Trump’s visit, Qatar’s royal family bypassed U.S. legal restrictions and donated a luxurious $400 million Boeing 747-8 aircraft via the Pentagon to Trump, replacing the over 40-year-old Air Force One. During his visit to Doha on May 14, Trump flattered Emir Tamim of Qatar, describing U.S.-Qatar relations as a “loyal friendship” and saying the two sides “liked each other.” The same day, the U.S. and Qatar signed over $243.5 billion in economic cooperation agreements. This included Qatar’s purchase of 210 Boeing aircraft worth $96 billion — the largest order in Boeing’s history. Qatar also agreed to buy $3 billion worth of MQ-9B drones and anti-drone systems.
In 2017, during Trump’s first visit to Saudi Arabia and Qatar, he first supported Saudi claims that Qatar was “funding terrorism,” and soon after helped Qatar to “clear its name.” This opportunistic approach — hitting then comforting — allowed Qatar, which hosts the largest U.S. air base in the Gulf, to gain strong protection by frantically purchasing U.S. arms, ultimately escaping the intense pressure and “siege” from Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
With the massive “gift packages” from Saudi Arabia and Qatar as a foundation, on the 15th, Trump’s final stop was the UAE, where he facilitated the signing of cooperation agreements exceeding $200 billion. This also included a joint venture to build a data center covering 260,000 square meters with a 5GW capacity — enough to power 2.5 million Nvidia B2000 chips. In fact, as early as March this year, during a U.S. visit by UAE National Security Advisor Sheikh bin Zayed, it was already promised that the UAE would establish a 10-year investment framework worth $1.4 trillion in the United States. This means the UAE proactively and early presented its lavish “gifts” to the White House even before Trump’s Gulf tour had begun.
Trump’s Gulf tour was also a policy announcement tour. During a one-hour impromptu speech at the Saudi-American Investment Forum, Trump theatrically condemned previous U.S. administrations for interfering in the Middle East, claiming they “destroyed more countries than they built” and emphasized that the U.S. has “no permanent enemies.” He candidly stated, “some of America’s closest friends today were once countries we fought against.” Using Saudi Arabia’s development model as an example, he emphasized that “self-reliance” is more effective than “external interference.” Analysts believe that the profit-driven Trump has openly abandoned traditional U.S. value-laden interventionist diplomacy and gunboat policies, aiming instead to reshape the Middle East order through a new “mercantilist” approach.
What surprised global opinion even more was that Trump “left out” his staunch ally Israel on this trip, in order to prevent Israel’s petty calculations from interfering with broader U.S. interests, and to avoid deeper entanglement in Prime Minister Netanyahu’s Gaza war quagmire. Previously, Trump had faced backlash from Arab media for his excessive favoritism toward Israel. However, given the unshakable U.S.-Israel alliance and Trump’s close personal ties with Netanyahu, Israel seemed absent from the official visit list, but Trump instinctively did not forget his old friend. He urged Saudi Arabia to quickly join the Abraham Accords to normalize ties with Israel, pushed for Syrian-Israeli reconciliation, and continued to peddle the controversial U.S. argument that Gaza could be taken over.
What truly shocked the world was Trump’s sudden public meeting with Syria’s new leader Ahmed al-Sharaa in Riyadh, urging him to normalize relations with Israel, expel “Palestinian terrorists” from Syria, and take responsibility for establishing prisons in northeastern Syria to detain jihadists. This meeting — attended in person by the Saudi Crown Prince and via video by Türkiye’s President — marked the first U.S.-Syria summit in 25 years. Furthermore, at the urging of the Saudi and Turkish leaders, Trump announced the lifting of decades-long U.S. economic and trade sanctions on Syria, officially ending 46 years of international, especially unilateral American, sanctions.
Trump’s meeting with al-Sharaa can be seen as a classic example of “value-free diplomacy” and “turning enemies into friends,” as he completely disregarded Sharaa’s past as a long-wanted “terrorist” leader by the U.S., and ignored the fact that Syria’s new government is still led by the “Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham” group, which remains listed as a terrorist organization by both the U.N. and the U.S. Trump even publicly praised this former “enemy” to American media while boarding his plane out of Saudi Arabia, calling him a “brave warrior of the past” and now a “sunny, handsome tough guy.” On the 16th, U.S. Secretary of State Rubio met with Syrian Foreign Minister Shibani in Antalya, Türkiye, clearly stating that the U.S. would help build a peaceful, stable, and Iran-free Syria.
In fact, observers familiar with Trump’s foreign policy were not surprised. As early as March 2020, during the later part of his first term, Trump abruptly abandoned the U.S.-backed Kabul government of 20 years to quickly end the Afghanistan war. He signed a withdrawal-for-ceasefire agreement with the Taliban — America’s arch-enemy — showing complete disregard for national dignity and political principles. This led to a “two-government” state in Afghanistan and soon after, Taliban regained power. Trump even shamelessly invited Taliban leaders to the White House and fired National Security Advisor Bolton on the spot for opposing the plan.
Another major outcome of Trump’s current Middle East diplomacy was that, using a “carrot and stick” approach, he forced significant concessions from the three main powers of the “Axis of Resistance”: Yemen’s Houthi forces, the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas), and Iran. Just before Trump’s visit, with Amman mediating, the U.S. and the Houthis reached a ceasefire agreement, under which the Houthis pledged not to attack ships passing through the Red Sea. Meanwhile, Hamas announced the release of the last American hostage as a gift for Trump’s arrival — a gesture that also served as a response to Trump’s administration for not fully following Israel’s lead. On May 15, senior Hamas official Basem Naim told the media that Hamas was in direct negotiations with the United States to reach a ceasefire agreement to end the Gaza conflict… If a permanent ceasefire is achieved, Hamas could hand over control of the Gaza Strip.
Before Trump’s visit, American representatives had already held four rounds of talks with Iran in Oman’s capital Muscat. Both sides described the discussions as having made “constructive” progress. While in Riyadh, Trump once again publicly addressed Tehran, urging its leaders to choose a “new, better path” and reach a new nuclear agreement with Washington. He warned that this opportunity for a diplomatic solution “will not last forever,” and threatened, “If Iran’s leadership rejects this olive branch… we will have no choice but to apply maximum pressure and reduce Iran’s oil exports to zero.”
Perhaps due to the earlier four rounds of talks revealing Trump’s intentions and bottom line, or the painful memory of the extreme pressure campaign from his first term, or the strategic failure of the “Sixth Middle East War,” or Russia’s public statement that it would not intervene in a U.S.-Iran military conflict, or observing Trump’s recent positive interactions with the Houthis and Hamas — a series of intense changes led Iran’s government to swiftly and clearly respond to Trump’s mixed diplomatic tactics.
On May 14, Ali Shamkhani, advisor to Iran’s Supreme Leader Khamenei, stated to NBC that Iran was willing to reach a deal with the U.S. in exchange for lifting economic sanctions. Shamkhani said Iran would promise never to develop nuclear weapons, destroy its stockpile of highly enriched uranium, agree to limit uranium enrichment to levels needed for civilian use, and allow international monitors to supervise the process.
Observers believe this was Iran’s fastest and most flexible compromise stance on the nuclear issue to date. Although Iranian negotiators previously held tough positions, Trump’s successful “harvest tour” in the Gulf, the further strengthening of U.S.-Arab ties, the historic reversal in U.S.-Syria relations, and the disunity among the “Axis of Resistance” members forced Tehran to quickly adjust its diplomatic posture and nuclear stance to avoid deeper isolation and passivity. On May 15, before leaving Doha for the UAE, Trump made it clear that the U.S. and Iran were very close to reaching a nuclear agreement and that Tehran had “to a certain extent” agreed to the terms.
In short, Trump gained substantial results from this Middle East trip. Unexpected developments revealed that his power-based and “transactional” diplomacy is reshaping regional geopolitics. Despite domestic and international challenges, America’s strategic foundation remains stable and strong. The major Gulf oil-producing states, which already invested much of their sovereign wealth in the U.S. market, continue to bet their future wealth preservation, growth, and high-tech development on the United States as their strategic ally. In contrast, their investments in other major economies are negligible — mere “pepper dust” and “drizzle” — highlighting the irreplaceable status of the U.S. as the only current superpower.
At the same time, with the steady collapse of the “Shiite Crescent,” the disintegration of the “Axis of Resistance,” the strengthening of U.S. relations with Arab countries and Türkiye, the expanding normalization under the Abraham Accords between Arab states and Israel, and the possible significant shift in U.S.-Iran relations this year, it is evident that a new Middle East is brewing and beginning to emerge.
Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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Europe2 weeks agoGermany accelerates African energy diplomatic push to secure natural gas and green hydrogen
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America2 weeks agoAIPAC cuts online donation links for Democrats after Israel aid vote
