Europe
Berlusconi’s legacy: Christian Europe united by a free market spirit
Italy was the most important country where an ‘anti-fascist consensus’ was established after the Second World War, albeit at an official level. The adoption of universal suffrage, the creation of the Constituent Assembly and the drafting of the Constitution were participated in by all the forces involved in the antifascist liberation struggle. The anti-fascist struggle in Italy had also turned into a war of liberation with the occupying Nazi Germany and the establishment of the collaborationist ‘Salo Republic’.
“Albeit at the official level” we said. Although the Italian Communist Party (PCI), the main organization of the partisans who were the vanguard of the anti-fascist resistance, was included in this consensus, the regime in Italy was controlled by a party of order, with the Christian Democrats (DC) at its center, at the behest of the US and NATO. This party of order did not hesitate to use its striking power against the communists through Gladio and the mafia. The PCI, even though it did not seek power, was another country within the country, another society within Italian society. Its prestige was high due to its sacrifices in the resistance. It was organized within the working class. In the 1976 elections, it received 34.4 percent of the vote and caused considerable fear in the establishment.
This, roughly speaking, reflected the balance of forces in the Italian First Republic. In the 1980s, two important transformations began to take place: First, the Italian establishment shifted to a strategy of high interest rates and currency devaluation, with the plan of full integration into the European common market. This was a strategy with which we were very familiar: Under the guise of ‘competitiveness’, lowering labor costs, cutting consumption of working people, reducing access to credit for small producers, intensive financialization and a partial transfer of sovereignty to Brussels. The second and perhaps more surprising development was the rapid adaptation of the PCI to these austerity policies. Italian communism may have begun to poison itself earlier, but it meant that a critical threshold had been crossed. It is very telling that the PCI’s vote in the last elections in 1987, in which it participated as a party, fell to its lowest level in 20 years.
It meant that the balance of forces on which the First Republic had been based was overturned. With the end of the Cold War, the corruption, nepotism, state-mafioso collaboration of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), which was one of the wings of the party of order along with the DC, was being exposed. This period, known in our country as the ‘Clean Hands’ operation, marked the end of the First Republic in Italy and ushered in the ‘magistrate’ rule.
It was around this time, as the magistrate administration was running out of steam, an unknown boss announced that he would take the field to ‘fight communism’.
But was there communism left?
The PCI refashioned and renamed itself the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS). Considering the PDS reformist, the revolutionaries formed the Communist Refoundation Party. The latter group was also appreciated decently by former PCI voters. The 1993 local elections resulted in a decisive defeat for the DC and a partial victory for the PDS.
So Silvio Berlusconi began his fight against communism with the local election victory of the men of order in ties who were in fact whipping a dead horse. He declared the end of ‘party politics’ for Italy and said that the country would be governed by ‘completely new people’ in the new era. There was no more ‘popolo’ (people), there was ‘gente comune’ (ordinary people). The fate of Italy would no longer be decided by the people, but by the ‘free association of the electorate’. Against the ‘cartel of leftist forces’, he called for a ‘pole of freedom’ that would combine free enterprise and love of work with the family values of Catholic Italy.
Berlusconi was waging a war against the ‘traditional elites’ (i.e. those entrenched in the balance of power of the First Republic) and demanding an end to the Clean Hands operations.
Berlusconi challenged politics and politicians, arguing that only with a business spirit could the state become functional again.
It should not be surprising that the Lega, one of the critics of this ‘cumbersome state-business spirit’, today forms a coalition with Berlusconi’s party. It should also come as no surprise that a large proportion of DC voters in the First Republic voted for Forza Italia. After the electoral law was changed in 1993, there was a shift towards American-style two-party rule. Here Berlusconi took his place on the Italian political scene as the main element that carried the old DC mass base into the new era. In the Second Republic, where the mass base was marginalized and organizational politics was declared redundant, personalities came to the fore, and the figure of the leader who came into contact with the ‘electorate’ took the place of the man of the organization. The late Berlusconi was also working to establish this order. His media empire was the most important tool in creating a ‘charismatic’ figure. He would recreate the Italian right in his own image.
Contrary to what those who referred to him after his death as a ‘lover of national sovereignty’ might think, like all Italian parties in the 1990s and 2000s, he saw the EU as an external element that would ‘normalize’ Italy, as a tool that would free the state from sluggishness by forming fiscal discipline.
Together with his alliances with the Brothers of Italy and the Lega, he worked hard to establish an ‘anti-political’ right-wing discourse, now called the ‘post-fascist consensus’. His aphorism “Mussolini was not that bad dictator” describes this consensus well. The anti-fascist insurgents, the main engine of the First Republic, are now portrayed as just as brutal, cruel and violent as the fascists. Fascist shock troops and anti-fascist partisans deserve to be referred to together as ‘children of this land’. It is such a farce that the President of the Senate, Ignazio La Russa of the Brothers of Italy, who said that there was no anti-fascism in the Italian Constitution, was able to attend the ‘Liberation Day’ ceremonies a few days later. Even worse, the same Russa still has a bust of Mussolini in his house, an heirloom of his father.
It was unthinkable that this consensus, which had been reinforced by the PDS’s shift to the ‘center’, would not be shaken by the 2008 crisis. The first solution to this crisis was the domination of technocratic governments, adherence to Brussels and the mania for privatization. The technocratic governments imposed on Italy a wave of marketization that even Berlusconi at times hesitated to undertake. This period saw the disintegration of parties on the left and the right: The Democratic Party and Berlusconi were losing. Meanwhile, the mafioso leader was being investigated for corruption (a commonplace in Italian politics) and sidelined. By the 2018 general elections, the combined vote of the Democratic Party and Forza Italia did not even reach 33 percent. Henceforth, the 5 Star Movement (M5S) of comedian Beppe Grillo, an internet phenomenon, and the Lega, which took an ‘Italian nationalist’ position by trying to disassociate itself from the north, were at opposite ends of the political theatre. The M5S leader at the time, Luigi Di Maio, was not afraid to state the obvious: The Second Republic dominated by Berlusconi and the ‘center-left’ was dying.
That he is the symbol of the Second Republic should not mislead anyone. He always had friends in the First Republic too. Although he was never a member, he had very good relations with the PSI, the party of order of the first republic. With the collapse of the Second Republic, the fact that he managed to reinvent himself and throw himself into the right-wing coalition should be considered a success.
From now on, it seems inevitable that Forza Italia will be swallowed up by the other coalition partners. If the matter is charisma, Meloni and Salvini seem to have it all. Moreover, he seemed to have overcome his occasional polemics with Brussels: At the party congress, which he attended from his sickbed, he emphasized European unity against ‘Chinese imperialism’, differentiated his party from the likes of Marine Le Pen, and secured his place in the ‘center-right’ European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament. This is the ‘legacy’ of the Second Republic and Berlusconi’s death: Christian Europe and Italian values, united by a free market spirit.
Europe
China’s critical mineral restrictions challenge EU defence expansion plans
The European Union’s plans to expand its defence capabilities are being hindered by China’s export controls and sales restrictions on critical raw materials.
In response, EU leaders are urging member states to accelerate efforts to diversify supply chains.
According to Nikkei Asia, the European Commission announced last week that it would propose new legislation requiring companies across the bloc to broaden their supplier base in an effort to address economic imbalances, although it did not explicitly name China.
The war in Ukraine and growing uncertainty over Washington’s security guarantees have pushed European governments to increase military spending and defence production.
At the same time, according to a report published in May by Joris Teer, a policy analyst at the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), China accounts for at least 70% of global mining or refining activity in 17 of the 34 materials classified as critical by the EU. Eight of those 34 materials are currently subject to Chinese export controls.
“China is undermining Europe’s rearmament efforts,” Teer wrote. “Simply by activating this tool, China has already increased its leverage and demonstrated both the capability and willingness to restrict supply whenever it chooses.”
The Aerospace, Security and Defence Industries Association of Europe also warned that geopolitical developments and intensifying global competition for critical raw materials are further underscoring the need to strengthen European supply chains.
The organisation represents more than 4,000 companies, including Britain’s BAE Systems, France’s Thales and Germany’s Rheinmetall.
European defence manufacturers are pursuing a range of strategies, including vertical integration, recycling, diversification and stockpiling.
Rheinmetall told Nikkei Asia that it has “no dependencies” and is “well prepared” regarding critical minerals.
A company spokesperson said: “Rheinmetall has stockpiled key raw materials sufficient for several years. We have also implemented IT systems that allow us to centrally monitor and precisely manage raw material consumption across the entire group.”
Analysts, however, caution that stockpiling alone will not be sufficient. Maria Shagina, a researcher at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said: “Stockpiling serves as an important buffer against sudden disruptions, but on its own it is unlikely to mitigate structural damage over the long term.”
Shagina added that replacing the volume and diversity of critical minerals controlled by Beijing with alternative sources would take years.
In 2024, the EU enacted the European Critical Raw Materials Act, aimed at rebuilding domestic supply chains for such minerals.
The legislation sets 2030 targets for domestic extraction, processing and recycling while limiting dependence on any single third-country supplier to 65%.
A €3 billion ($3.5 billion) fund was established last year to accelerate strategic projects.
Nevertheless, the European Court of Auditors has noted that the 2030 targets are not legally binding and that the EU remains far from achieving them.
Industry groups argue that policy inconsistencies could further slow progress.
The Cobalt Institute, which represents a sector vital to jet engines, advanced batteries and defence alloys, warned that proposed EU chemicals regulations risk undermining the industry.
“Europe has one foot in and one foot out,” said Michael Blakeney, head of government and public affairs at the London-based institute. “It says the right things, but its actions are inconsistent.”
Europe’s efforts are unfolding alongside a more aggressive US strategy to secure critical mineral supply chains.
Shagina said:
“The US is investing more capital to secure and expand capacity, taking greater financial risks and, in some cases, acquiring equity stakes. Europe, by contrast, is generally more cautious, which places it at a relative disadvantage in the competition for critical minerals.”
In April, the EU signed an agreement with the United States to coordinate supplies of critical minerals. Although some member states initially resisted over concerns that the deal could weaken the bloc’s strategic autonomy, they authorised the Commission in early June to join the US-led “Pax Silica” initiative, which coordinates investment and export-control policies.
Teer urged Europe to use ongoing US-EU-Japan negotiations as the nucleus of a broader coalition aimed at making critical mineral production outside China financially viable through state support, minimum-price mechanisms and supply rules.
“Particularly important are countries that either produce raw materials or possess significant mineral deposits, such as Malaysia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Brazil and Indonesia, as well as countries like India with large pools of skilled labour,” he said.
Teer also argued that the EU should activate its Anti-Coercion Instrument, which allows the bloc to impose tariffs and restrictions in response to economic pressure on countries outside the union, in order to deter China from introducing further restrictions.
A European Commission spokesperson said the bloc had “long been aware of the risks associated with the EU’s dependence on critical raw materials.”
“The objective is clear: to anticipate disruptions early and reduce the EU’s vulnerabilities while strengthening our industrial and defence capacities,” the spokesperson said.
Europe
Four European countries move to make citizenship harder to obtain
European countries are increasingly tightening their citizenship rules. Most recently, the Norwegian government has drafted legislation that would raise the minimum residency requirement for citizenship from three years to seven.
The proposed amendments to the citizenship law were presented by the Ministry of Labour and Social Inclusion.
Under the draft legislation, stateless individuals born in Norway, as well as those who arrived in the country as children, would be required to reside in Norway for at least five years before becoming eligible for citizenship.
The government also plans to increase residency requirements for foreign nationals who are married to or cohabiting with Norwegian citizens.
Language requirements are set to become more demanding as well. The proposal would raise the required level of spoken Norwegian proficiency from A2 to B1. The new rules would apply to applicants aged between 18 and 67.
Commenting on the changes, Minister of Labour and Social Inclusion Kjersti Stenseng said: “Obtaining and holding Norwegian citizenship should be a privilege.”
The government argues that simplifying administrative procedures while simultaneously tightening eligibility criteria will help reduce the country’s large backlog of pending applications and shorten processing times.
Norway is the latest European country to announce revisions to its citizenship rules.
In Finland, the minimum residency requirement for citizenship was increased from five years to eight years on October 1, 2024.
The country also plans to introduce a mandatory citizenship test for applicants aged between 18 and 64 from the beginning of 2027.
Finnish Interior Minister Mari Rantanen said: “The introduction of a citizenship test is the final component of a comprehensive reform aimed at making citizenship requirements more stringent.”
Sweden has also approved a similar reform. Beginning in June 2026, the standard residency requirement for citizenship will increase from five years to eight years. Authorities are also introducing a financial self-sufficiency requirement for applicants and expanding the scope of security screenings.
Explaining the rationale behind the changes, Migration Minister Johan Forssell said: “It was possible to become a citizen after living in the country for five years without knowing a single word of Swedish, learning anything about Swedish society, or even having one’s own source of income.”
The most far-reaching changes have been implemented in Portugal. Portuguese President Antonio Jose Seguro has signed legislation raising the minimum residency requirement for citizenship from five years to 10 years.
For citizens of the European Union and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, the requirement has been set at seven years.
The residency period will now be calculated from the date a residence permit is granted rather than from the date a citizenship application is submitted. The new rules will also affect the children of immigrants.
Previously, children could obtain citizenship one year after birth if their parents held residence permits. Under the new rules, at least one parent must have legally resided in the country for a minimum of five years.
The law also introduces a mandatory examination covering Portuguese history, culture, values and social structures.
Migration policies are tightening across the European Union as well. On June 17, the European Parliament approved legislation allowing irregular migrants whose asylum applications have been rejected but who cannot be returned to their countries of origin to be deported to third countries.
The new EU rules permit the establishment of migrant detention centres outside the bloc’s borders. African countries are reportedly among the options being discussed for such facilities.
Europe
SpaceX warns EU satellite spectrum plan could disrupt connectivity in Ukraine
SpaceX has sharply criticised a European Union plan to restrict access to satellite spectrum, arguing that the proposal risks degrading connectivity in Ukraine and disrupting emergency communications services.
In a document shared with European officials and reviewed by the Financial Times, SpaceX warned:
“This proposal significantly increases the likelihood that Europeans will be deprived of direct-to-device satellite services, or that new European operations will create global interference issues, including for emergency services such as those operating in Ukraine.”
In a proposal unveiled in May, the EU recommended reserving part of the spectrum band used for direct satellite-to-smartphone connectivity for European operators, thereby limiting the frequencies available to US and Chinese providers.
The 2 GHz frequency band in question is currently used by two US companies, Viasat and EchoStar.
SpaceX argued that the EU plan prioritises “an operator’s country of establishment over economic, technical and regulatory realities.”
When the proposal was announced, EU technology chief Henna Virkkunen defended the move, saying the bloc wanted to “increase European capacity in this sector.” She added that other parts of the frequency band would remain open to international operators, arguing that prioritising European providers was justified.
Other participants involved in discussions over the proposal said some EU officials were specifically seeking to limit Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite network.
Europe’s initiative follows a warning from Washington. In March, the US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) cautioned that it could take retaliatory measures if the EU chose to favour European satellite operators over alternatives such as Starlink.
At the time, FCC Chairman Brendan Carr told the Financial Times: “Some of the discussions in Europe regarding satellite sovereignty concern us. If Europe decides to move down that path, then, as you know, we will have to consider reciprocal measures.”
The European Commission’s proposal has not yet entered formal negotiations with EU member states or the European Parliament.
A source close to SpaceX said the company remained hopeful of influencing the outcome of the process, given concerns raised by both businesses and several European governments.
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