Middle East
How oil-rich Iraq ran out of dollars?
Three years ago, Iraq was on the brink of expelling US troops, but now, Prime Minister al-Sudani asserts that his nation needs US and NATO forces. Although he gives ISIS as the reason, the dollar crisis in the country seems to be a more plausible explanation. The political actors backing al-Sudani blame the United States for the crisis but having to handle this crisis shortly, al-Sudani sees the exit in reconciliation with Washington.
The political turmoil in Iraq after the elections in October 2021 resulted in al-Sudani taking the seat of Prime Minister as a candidate of the so-called Iran-backed Shiite alliance in October 2022. in his first US interview since taking office, al-Sudani said, “we need the foreign forces to eliminate ISIS.” “Iraq would like similar relations with Washington to what Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf oil-and-gas producers enjoy,” al-Sudani told WSJ, “we strive to “see Iraq have a good relationship with Iran and the US.” Stating, “President Biden is different from other presidents in that he knows the situation in Iraq completely,” al-Sudani thinks it might be the foundation to build an excellent relationship between Baghdad and Washington. al-Sudani’s views regarding keeping the US and NATO forces in Iraq are deemed significant since he has been publicly silent about this issue until now. After the killing of Iranian commander Qassem Soleimani in a US drone strike on Baghdad, the Iraqi parliament voted a resolution to withdraw American troops from the country. Currently, 2,000 American troops in Iraq under the umbrella of NATO are training the Iraqi armed forces.
According to Foreign Policy, al-Sudani’s public support for the presence of US troops originates from the threat of ISIS. al-Sudani’s words, however, are not an unexpected turn; instead, they reflect a steady movement toward the United States in recent years. The article’s title is also noteworthy: “The New Iraqi Leader tilts the scales toward the USA.” Former US officials told Foreign Policy that even amid the tension escalating after the assassination of Soleimani, Iraqi officials had expressed support for the US military mission behind closed doors to ensure to defeat of ISIS and counter Iranian influence. “US presence that was hanging by a thread in pre-pandemic Iraq, at the tenuous invite of the Baghdad government, now appears to be there to stay—indefinitely,” interprets the journal the situation that became concrete upon al-Sudani’s statement. Although al-Sudani created uproar in Iraq, the more significant problem is that Centcom has no planning or vision about the future of the US-Iraq relationship.
“The presence of foreign military forces in this country is a very dangerous issue,” remarked Nouri al-Maliki, the leader of the Shiite alliance that brought al-Sudani to the office and kept him in power. It is remarkable that Maliki’s statement followed al-Sudani’s controversial comment.
Then, why did al-Sudani express his public support for the presence of the US troops in the country “independently” of the coalition behind his power and despite growing anti-American sentiments in Iraqi society over the last several years?
The reason for the crisis: US sanctions
Sudani employs the existence of ISIS to justify his statement, but it seems that the underlying issue is the currency crisis that shook the Iraqi markets. Unlike other oil-rich countries, the second largest oil producer of OPEC after Saudi Arabia, Iraq stands out for its economic problems and the massive social protests these sparked. The current crisis, however, is not the same as the usual mechanism of bribery and corruption that plagues Iraq. It has everything to do with US sanctions. The restrictions put into practice by the US to prevent the illegal allocation of dollars for the interests of other US-sanctioned countries, especially Iran, have triggered a severe dollar crisis in the country.
The USA has implemented a “regulation” to the system that allows the daily foreign exchange auctions of the Iraqi Central Bank, which has been in effect for 20 years since the invasion and permitted banks to sell dollars without any restrictions. In November 2022, the US Federal Reserve (FED) started enforcing strict screening on the operations of Iraqi commercial banks, such as requiring all clients to disclose their identities before a transfer of funds could be made. In fact, these measures were implemented after almost two-year planning by the Central Bank of Iraq, the US Department of the Treasury, and the FED. However, in spite of all the planning, since the strict regulations have been in effect, more than 80% of daily dollar transactions have been blocked. As a result of the slowdown in dollar transactions, the markets have rushed into the dinar, ultimately creating a double-sided “currency crisis.”
Protests in rise
Due to the crisis, the value of the Iraqi dinar has weakened vis-à-vis the dollar, leading to a sharp rise in food prices. Over the currency drop, on January 23, al-Sudani dismissed Central Bank Governor Mustafa Ghaleb Mukheef on his request, and Muhsen al-Allaq replaced him. After a slight decrease in the exchange rate following the replacement of the office at the Central Bank, it has begun to increase again quickly. The official rate for Iraqi citizens set by the Central Bank stands at 1,470 dinars to the dollar. Established by the Central Bank of Iraq is 1470 Iraqi dinars per dollar, while on the black market and free market, it ranges from 1590 to 1620 dinars.
Iraqis slowly started to protest against the devaluation of the dinar. The protesters gathering outside the Central Bank called on the government to halt the depreciation of the dinar. Those demonstrating in Iraq called on al-Sudani’s government to do everything they could to bring down inflation. Mainly, they demanded that staples like eggs be made more affordable. Protesters from south Iraq also participated in the demonstration in Baghdad.
The ruling coalition blames the US
Hadi al-Amiri, the leader of the Fatah Coalition and a partner of the Iraqi government, accused the US of using the dollar as a weapon to starve the people in Iraq. “Since the reserves of this country’s central bank are at the Federal Reserve’s disposal, Iraq lacks economic independence. Everyone now knows how the Americans use the dollar as a weapon to starve people. The Americans are currently putting the most pressure on Iraq to prevent its relations with Europe and other countries of the world,” said al-Amiri.
Maliki, the head of the same coalition, claims that the United States uses the dollar as a global weapon: “They try to destabilize it by using dollar paper.” Maliki, however, sees the United States as the key to solving the issue: “There is no solution to the dollar crisis except by controlling the dollar and understanding with the American side.”
Here, the reason behind al-Sudani’s controversial statement that US soldiers are required in Iraq is nothing but Maliki’s proposed solution. al-Sudani is trying to find a way to ease the effects of the dollar crisis. In this regard, he plans to send the Foreign Minister to Washington at the start of February, followed by his own visit. The Iraqi premier may try to negotiate looser US screening on the movement of dollars or at least a postponement of such controls. As the Prime Minister of a coalition accused of being “pro-Iran” and even a “puppet of Iran,” al-Sudani may have hoped that sending sound signals to the United States would facilitate reconciliation. Against this backdrop, Foreign Affairs’s inference that the “The New Iraqi Leader tilts the scales toward the USA” seems an unrealistic expectation.
The dollar is indeed a powerful winning tool in the hands of the USA. The United States may offer the Iraqi government a short-term solution to the pressing crisis. The country is still nothing but one of the major oil producers, although the post-invasion system in Iraq is plagued by bribery, corruption, and smuggling. The greater challenge is that Iraq lacks the political will to combat the issue and blow the cobwebs away.
The US State Department stated that it has waived human rights conditions on more than $300 million in military aid to Egypt.
The statement emphasised that this decision was taken in consideration of Cairo’s “helpful role” since the outbreak of the war against Iran.
Egypt began receiving substantial support from the US after signing a peace treaty with Israel in 1979.
Since the late 1980s, the country has received approximately $1.3 billion annually in US military assistance.
A portion of this aid is subject to conditions related to human rights and democracy, which can be waived on national security grounds.
Withholding funds, including during the administration of former US President Joe Biden, has caused tension between Cairo and Washington in the past.
A letter dated 21 September and addressed to various congressional committees, obtained by Reuters, stated that Secretary of State Marco Rubio “decided to waive the certification requirement under the fiscal year 2025 Foreign Military Financing programme for Egypt of $320 million.”
This waiver was subsequently confirmed by the State Department.
An accompanying memorandum justifying the decision stated that this portion of military aid was “essential for counterterrorism, border security, or non-proliferation programmes, or otherwise important to the national security interests of the United States.”
The memorandum, dated 4 September and bearing Rubio’s signature, stated: “Exercising this waiver authority is critical to the US-Egypt relationship and to US national security priorities, particularly given the helpful role Egypt has played in the aftermath of Operation Epic Fury.”
“Operation Epic Fury” is the designation used by the US military for the campaign launched jointly with Israel against Iran in late February.
The State Department memorandum, whose authenticity was confirmed by two sources in Washington familiar with the letter, did not provide detailed information regarding what was termed Egypt’s “helpful role”.
The State Department’s annual decision on military aid to Egypt typically covers funds allocated for the preceding fiscal year, which ends on 30 September.
A State Department spokesperson stated that Rubio waived the certification in the interest of US national security and that the US continues to cooperate with the Egyptian government across a range of issues.
In an emailed statement, the spokesperson said: “This waiver recognizes the importance of maintaining security cooperation with Egypt at a time of significant security challenges in the region.”
The Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not immediately comment on the matter.
The spillover effects of the Iran war have imposed a heavy toll on US security partners, including Egypt.
Owing to rising fuel prices and other disruptions, the Egyptian economy is passing through a difficult period.
Under the Biden administration, the US withheld portions of the annual military allocation on multiple occasions over Egypt’s human rights record.
In 2024, following the Hamas-led 7 October attack on Israel and the subsequent war in Gaza, the Biden administration set aside human rights conditions, disbursing the entire $1.3 billion allocation to Egypt for the first time in its tenure.
Human rights organisations have long accused Egypt, under the administration of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, of widespread human rights abuses, including torture and enforced disappearances.
This week, Egyptian police detained six journalists from a fact-checking and investigative media outlet, accusing them of spreading false information on behalf of the banned Muslim Brotherhood.
Egyptian authorities state that they have taken steps to address human rights issues. Sisi said stability is paramount and that the government supports human rights by working to provide for basic needs.
Britain has significantly broadened its military export restrictions targeting Israel, suspending or rejecting more than 80 licences for items the IDF could use in Gaza.
This figure is nearly triple the number affected when the policy was first introduced in September 2024.
United Kingdom Minister of State for the Middle East Stephen Doughty said that as part of what he described as a “tighter system” for assessing exports to Israel, more than 50 further export applications have been refused since approximately 30 licences were initially suspended.
Under the initial decision taken in September 2024, 30 of roughly 350 licences were suspended after the British government concluded there was a “clear risk” that certain military exports could be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of international humanitarian law in Gaza.
The affected equipment included components for military aircraft, drones, naval systems, and targeting gear.
Doughty said additional measures adopted this month established what he termed a “double safeguard” mechanism within the approvals process.
Export applications must now be assessed both against existing international humanitarian law criteria and in light of Britain’s position on the legality of Israel’s presence in the Palestinian territories.
“We have so far suspended or refused more than 80 licences,” Doughty said, adding that he had personally examined each licence.
Despite the wider restrictions, British-origin parts entering the international F-35 fighter jet supply chain continue to be largely exempt.
The UK government argues that preventing British-made components from entering the global F-35 pool could undermine the programme as a whole and have serious consequences for the security of the UK and its allies.
Direct exports of F-35 parts intended specifically for Israel remain suspended.
Doughty defended maintaining the supply of components via the international programme, arguing that halting it could have severe ramifications for the broader European and allied security architecture.
Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Emily Thornberry challenged this position, arguing that the issue was political rather than purely legal.
Thornberry suggested adopting an approach similar to the Dutch model, under which components entering the international supply chain could be flagged as “not intended for aircraft bound for Israel”.
The initial suspension was implemented in September 2024 by then Foreign Secretary David Lammy.
Lammy stressed at the time that the measure did not constitute an arms embargo and applied solely to items assessed as usable in military operations in Gaza.
Since then, the policy has been tightened further under Prime Minister Andy Burnham.
The expanded export restrictions follow the Burnham government’s adoption of a more confrontational policy toward the Israeli government.
Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband drew sustained applause at the Labour Party’s annual conference in Liverpool after delivering a sharp critique of the Netanyahu government’s policies and defending the decision to ban trade with Israeli settlements in the West Bank.
Accusing Israel of committing war crimes in Gaza, Miliband stated that the British government heard public outrage over the conflict, telling delegates: “We hear you. You were right.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with representatives of Gulf and Arab nations that lack diplomatic ties with Israel, including Saudi Arabia, during his weekend visit to the United Arab Emirates.
Sources close to the gathering told the Israeli newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth on Monday that representatives from Morocco, Libya, Jordan, and Qatar also took part in the meeting.
Netanyahu made a unannounced visit to Abu Dhabi on Sunday, where he met with the country’s leader, Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
According to Israeli media, this marked the first time the United Arab Emirates officially confirmed a visit by Netanyahu.
The meeting was arranged by Mossad Director Roman Goffman “at the request of Saudi Arabia, which asked for Israel’s assistance against Houthi attacks in the Red Sea region,” according to Yedioth Ahronoth.
The discussions addressed Iran and the Houthi militia. The newspaper added that the Arab states heard from Israel that “Israel is prepared to assist countries in the region with air defence systems, just as it aided the UAE during the conflict with Iran.”
Conflict in Yemen intensified in September when Ansarullah militiamen launched a rapid offensive that seized Yemen’s entire Red Sea coastline, including the vital maritime corridor of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
The Yemeni resistance also imposed a blockade on Saudi Arabia’s energy exports and staged multiple attacks against the kingdom.
Saudi Arabia reportedly sought military assistance from the US to counter Ansarullah.
Washington declined to attack the Houthis directly, but announced that it would provide intelligence and targeting support.
Reporting on the same visit, The Jerusalem Post said Netanyahu spent six hours in the UAE and that the principal subject of his discussions with MBZ was Iran.
Citing sources familiar with the matter, the newspaper added that the trip came “after Netanyahu exerted heavy pressure on the United Arab Emirates to arrange a meeting ahead of the Israeli elections on 27 October.”
Separately, the Associated Press, citing a person with direct knowledge of the meeting, reported that Netanyahu’s visit to the UAE was arranged in part to ask MBZ to deny reports that he had warned the Israeli prime minister of an impending Hamas threat prior to 7 October 2023.
According to Israeli media, Netanyahu’s office denied the AP report, issuing the following statement:
“Fake news. The visit focused solely on strengthening ties between the two countries and on regional issues.”
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