Europe
Rheinmetall charts a course to become the world’s second-largest defense company
The German arms conglomerate Rheinmetall is systematically expanding into numerous new areas of the defense industry and plans to become one of the top three defense companies in the world.
The company, which traditionally produces tanks, artillery, and ammunition, is now entering the drone and satellite production markets.
According to an analysis in German Foreign Policy, Rheinmetall is thus transforming into a company that not only produces weapons and ammunition for future battlefields but also manufactures the unmanned aerial vehicles flying above them and the satellites that survey the conflict and its surroundings.
While Rheinmetall’s arms sales were only €3.7 billion in 2020, total sales are expected to reach €50 billion by 2030 following the divestment of its civilian automotive division.
Based on current figures, this would place the company second among global defense corporations, behind the US giant Lockheed Martin, which recorded defense sales of €55.5 billion in 2024. In Europe, Rheinmetall will be the largest ammunition manufacturer.
Europe’s largest ammunition manufacturer
Rheinmetall expects ammunition production to constitute the largest share of its sales, reaching €14 to €16 billion by 2030.
The Düsseldorf-based arms manufacturer is already Europe’s largest ammunition producer, thanks in part to the acquisition of its Spanish competitor Expal, which was completed in the summer of 2023.
While Rheinmetall produced approximately 60,000 units of 120mm tank ammunition in 2022, it plans to produce 240,000 units by 2027. For 155mm caliber artillery ammunition, the group aims to increase production from 70,000 rounds in 2022 to 1.1 million rounds in 2027, and 1.5 million rounds by 2030.
The production of medium-caliber ammunition for air defense will be quadrupled by 2030 compared to 2022, reaching 4 million rounds. To achieve this, Rheinmetall is expanding its plant in Unterlüß to become the largest ammunition factory in Europe, and possibly the world, according to a statement by CEO Armin Papperger at the new factory’s opening in late August.
A key customer for the company is the German Armed Forces, which increased its framework agreement for the supply of tank ammunition alone to approximately €4 billion in 2023. Rheinmetall is also building a series of new ammunition and gunpowder factories in countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Bulgaria, and Romania.
Diversification in tank production
Rheinmetall aims to achieve its second-highest partial sales figure in the combat vehicle business, with a target of €13 to €15 billion in 2030.
The group is involved in the construction of numerous long-standing tanks, including the Leopard main battle tank, for which Rheinmetall primarily produces the smoothbore cannon, and the GTK Boxer wheeled armored vehicle.
In the future, Rheinmetall is focusing particularly on the Lynx infantry fighting vehicle and the Panther main battle tank. The KF41 Lynx was introduced in 2018; Hungary and Italy have placed firm orders for the vehicle so far. CEO Papperger hopes to sell more than 6,000 Lynx infantry fighting vehicles, at least if it emerges victorious in the ongoing selection process by the US armed forces.
Rheinmetall is also focusing on the KF51 Panther main battle tank, which is being touted as a potential successor to the Leopard. This tank is a competitor to the German-French MGCS (Main Ground Combat System) battle tank project, which has made no progress.
Rheinmetall has already received firm purchase commitments for the KF51 Panther: one from Hungary and another from Italy. Here, Rheinmetall is partnering with Leonardo.
In Italy, Rheinmetall operates as a supplier in a joint venture with the Italian defense group Leonardo.
SPOCK satellites: The digitalization offensive
Rheinmetall expects additional sales of €8 to €10 billion in its digitalization business segment, which includes the satellite business. The Düsseldorf-based tank manufacturer is entering this market from scratch.
The background for this is the digital networking of weapon systems traditionally produced by Rheinmetall on the battlefield. This includes network connectivity with reconnaissance satellites.
To produce these, Rheinmetall has established a joint venture with the Finnish startup Iceye, which is considered an international leader in the production of satellites with SAR (Synthetic Aperture Radar) technology.
When using SAR satellites, microwaves are emitted, and their echoes are measured to create high-resolution images of events on the ground, even at night or in poor weather conditions.
Rheinmetall holds a 60% stake in the joint venture, which will operate its production at the Neuss facility, while Iceye holds a 40% stake. The initial plan is to produce satellites for the German Armed Forces’ “Panzer Brigade 45” unit in Lithuania for approximately €1.76 billion.
The reconnaissance system will be named SPOCK (Space-based System for Persistent Operational C2 and Kill-chain). Competing firms were displeased that the contract was awarded without a tender process, which was a clear advantage for Rheinmetall.
Kamikaze drones
Rheinmetall aims for additional sales of €3 to €4 billion in the air defense segment by 2030. This is also a relatively new area for the company.
In July, Rheinmetall, in collaboration with the US defense giant Lockheed Martin, opened a factory in Weeze, North Rhine-Westphalia, that produces fuselage parts for the US F-35 fighter jet. This was the first step into the aviation industry.
The group is also working with various external companies to gain expertise in drone production. For example, it collaborates with the Israeli company UVision, founded in 2011 and specializing in drone manufacturing, with which it primarily produces Hero kamikaze drones.
Recently, this joint venture received an order to supply millions of euros worth of Hero drones to a NATO country.
The Düsseldorf-based group signed a collaboration agreement for drone defense with the US startup Anduril in 2024 and expanded it this year to include drone production. Anduril is considered the world’s largest military startup.
Rheinmetall also works with Auterion, a drone specialist founded in Switzerland and now based in the US. According to reports, Rheinmetall is currently planning to build a drone factory in the Baltic states.
New goals in the maritime sector
The new maritime division is also expected to generate a turnover of approximately €5 billion by 2030.
This division will be created through the acquisition of Naval Vessels Lürssen (NVL), the naval division of the Lürssen shipyard in Bremen, with the acquisition expected to be completed by early 2026.
Rheinmetall hopes this will create certain synergies with its tank-building operations but, above all, allow it to enter the extremely costly warship construction market. “In the future, we will be a significant player on land, at sea, in the air, and in space. Rheinmetall is thus transforming into a cross-domain systems house,” said CEO Papperger.
NVL has primarily built corvettes; the company currently owns four shipyards in Hamburg (Blohm + Voss, Norderwerft), Wolgast (Peene-Werft), and Wilhelmshaven (Neue Jadewerft).
According to reports, the corvettes, which will soon be produced by Rheinmetall’s maritime division rather than NVL, could be equipped with new weapons that Rheinmetall is currently developing in collaboration with the US company Lockheed Martin.
“The current conflict situation shows that military application capabilities are becoming increasingly important in the maritime sector as well,” says Rheinmetall.
Transatlantic orientation is critical for Rheinmetall
Rheinmetall is one of the companies in the German defense industry with a clear transatlantic orientation. Its shareholders include well-known financial firms from the US, though none of them approach the 10% ownership threshold.
According to Rheinmetall’s current information, the largest single investor is BlackRock, with a 7.0% stake. It is followed by Bank of America (4.64%), Morgan Stanley (4.37%), Goldman Sachs (4.06%), and the Swiss UBS Group (3.83%).
More importantly, Rheinmetall is actively seeking orders from the US armed forces, the world’s largest arms buyer, and is collaborating very closely with US companies, including Lockheed Martin.
On the other hand, Rheinmetall also produces weapon systems labeled as “ITAR-free.” These are systems manufactured without US components and are therefore not subject to the US International Traffic in Arms Regulations.
The SAR satellites produced by Iceye—and in the future, in collaboration with Rheinmetall—are “ITAR-free” and thus independent of US influence.
Europe
China’s critical mineral restrictions challenge EU defence expansion plans
The European Union’s plans to expand its defence capabilities are being hindered by China’s export controls and sales restrictions on critical raw materials.
In response, EU leaders are urging member states to accelerate efforts to diversify supply chains.
According to Nikkei Asia, the European Commission announced last week that it would propose new legislation requiring companies across the bloc to broaden their supplier base in an effort to address economic imbalances, although it did not explicitly name China.
The war in Ukraine and growing uncertainty over Washington’s security guarantees have pushed European governments to increase military spending and defence production.
At the same time, according to a report published in May by Joris Teer, a policy analyst at the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), China accounts for at least 70% of global mining or refining activity in 17 of the 34 materials classified as critical by the EU. Eight of those 34 materials are currently subject to Chinese export controls.
“China is undermining Europe’s rearmament efforts,” Teer wrote. “Simply by activating this tool, China has already increased its leverage and demonstrated both the capability and willingness to restrict supply whenever it chooses.”
The Aerospace, Security and Defence Industries Association of Europe also warned that geopolitical developments and intensifying global competition for critical raw materials are further underscoring the need to strengthen European supply chains.
The organisation represents more than 4,000 companies, including Britain’s BAE Systems, France’s Thales and Germany’s Rheinmetall.
European defence manufacturers are pursuing a range of strategies, including vertical integration, recycling, diversification and stockpiling.
Rheinmetall told Nikkei Asia that it has “no dependencies” and is “well prepared” regarding critical minerals.
A company spokesperson said: “Rheinmetall has stockpiled key raw materials sufficient for several years. We have also implemented IT systems that allow us to centrally monitor and precisely manage raw material consumption across the entire group.”
Analysts, however, caution that stockpiling alone will not be sufficient. Maria Shagina, a researcher at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said: “Stockpiling serves as an important buffer against sudden disruptions, but on its own it is unlikely to mitigate structural damage over the long term.”
Shagina added that replacing the volume and diversity of critical minerals controlled by Beijing with alternative sources would take years.
In 2024, the EU enacted the European Critical Raw Materials Act, aimed at rebuilding domestic supply chains for such minerals.
The legislation sets 2030 targets for domestic extraction, processing and recycling while limiting dependence on any single third-country supplier to 65%.
A €3 billion ($3.5 billion) fund was established last year to accelerate strategic projects.
Nevertheless, the European Court of Auditors has noted that the 2030 targets are not legally binding and that the EU remains far from achieving them.
Industry groups argue that policy inconsistencies could further slow progress.
The Cobalt Institute, which represents a sector vital to jet engines, advanced batteries and defence alloys, warned that proposed EU chemicals regulations risk undermining the industry.
“Europe has one foot in and one foot out,” said Michael Blakeney, head of government and public affairs at the London-based institute. “It says the right things, but its actions are inconsistent.”
Europe’s efforts are unfolding alongside a more aggressive US strategy to secure critical mineral supply chains.
Shagina said:
“The US is investing more capital to secure and expand capacity, taking greater financial risks and, in some cases, acquiring equity stakes. Europe, by contrast, is generally more cautious, which places it at a relative disadvantage in the competition for critical minerals.”
In April, the EU signed an agreement with the United States to coordinate supplies of critical minerals. Although some member states initially resisted over concerns that the deal could weaken the bloc’s strategic autonomy, they authorised the Commission in early June to join the US-led “Pax Silica” initiative, which coordinates investment and export-control policies.
Teer urged Europe to use ongoing US-EU-Japan negotiations as the nucleus of a broader coalition aimed at making critical mineral production outside China financially viable through state support, minimum-price mechanisms and supply rules.
“Particularly important are countries that either produce raw materials or possess significant mineral deposits, such as Malaysia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Brazil and Indonesia, as well as countries like India with large pools of skilled labour,” he said.
Teer also argued that the EU should activate its Anti-Coercion Instrument, which allows the bloc to impose tariffs and restrictions in response to economic pressure on countries outside the union, in order to deter China from introducing further restrictions.
A European Commission spokesperson said the bloc had “long been aware of the risks associated with the EU’s dependence on critical raw materials.”
“The objective is clear: to anticipate disruptions early and reduce the EU’s vulnerabilities while strengthening our industrial and defence capacities,” the spokesperson said.
Europe
Four European countries move to make citizenship harder to obtain
European countries are increasingly tightening their citizenship rules. Most recently, the Norwegian government has drafted legislation that would raise the minimum residency requirement for citizenship from three years to seven.
The proposed amendments to the citizenship law were presented by the Ministry of Labour and Social Inclusion.
Under the draft legislation, stateless individuals born in Norway, as well as those who arrived in the country as children, would be required to reside in Norway for at least five years before becoming eligible for citizenship.
The government also plans to increase residency requirements for foreign nationals who are married to or cohabiting with Norwegian citizens.
Language requirements are set to become more demanding as well. The proposal would raise the required level of spoken Norwegian proficiency from A2 to B1. The new rules would apply to applicants aged between 18 and 67.
Commenting on the changes, Minister of Labour and Social Inclusion Kjersti Stenseng said: “Obtaining and holding Norwegian citizenship should be a privilege.”
The government argues that simplifying administrative procedures while simultaneously tightening eligibility criteria will help reduce the country’s large backlog of pending applications and shorten processing times.
Norway is the latest European country to announce revisions to its citizenship rules.
In Finland, the minimum residency requirement for citizenship was increased from five years to eight years on October 1, 2024.
The country also plans to introduce a mandatory citizenship test for applicants aged between 18 and 64 from the beginning of 2027.
Finnish Interior Minister Mari Rantanen said: “The introduction of a citizenship test is the final component of a comprehensive reform aimed at making citizenship requirements more stringent.”
Sweden has also approved a similar reform. Beginning in June 2026, the standard residency requirement for citizenship will increase from five years to eight years. Authorities are also introducing a financial self-sufficiency requirement for applicants and expanding the scope of security screenings.
Explaining the rationale behind the changes, Migration Minister Johan Forssell said: “It was possible to become a citizen after living in the country for five years without knowing a single word of Swedish, learning anything about Swedish society, or even having one’s own source of income.”
The most far-reaching changes have been implemented in Portugal. Portuguese President Antonio Jose Seguro has signed legislation raising the minimum residency requirement for citizenship from five years to 10 years.
For citizens of the European Union and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, the requirement has been set at seven years.
The residency period will now be calculated from the date a residence permit is granted rather than from the date a citizenship application is submitted. The new rules will also affect the children of immigrants.
Previously, children could obtain citizenship one year after birth if their parents held residence permits. Under the new rules, at least one parent must have legally resided in the country for a minimum of five years.
The law also introduces a mandatory examination covering Portuguese history, culture, values and social structures.
Migration policies are tightening across the European Union as well. On June 17, the European Parliament approved legislation allowing irregular migrants whose asylum applications have been rejected but who cannot be returned to their countries of origin to be deported to third countries.
The new EU rules permit the establishment of migrant detention centres outside the bloc’s borders. African countries are reportedly among the options being discussed for such facilities.
Europe
SpaceX warns EU satellite spectrum plan could disrupt connectivity in Ukraine
SpaceX has sharply criticised a European Union plan to restrict access to satellite spectrum, arguing that the proposal risks degrading connectivity in Ukraine and disrupting emergency communications services.
In a document shared with European officials and reviewed by the Financial Times, SpaceX warned:
“This proposal significantly increases the likelihood that Europeans will be deprived of direct-to-device satellite services, or that new European operations will create global interference issues, including for emergency services such as those operating in Ukraine.”
In a proposal unveiled in May, the EU recommended reserving part of the spectrum band used for direct satellite-to-smartphone connectivity for European operators, thereby limiting the frequencies available to US and Chinese providers.
The 2 GHz frequency band in question is currently used by two US companies, Viasat and EchoStar.
SpaceX argued that the EU plan prioritises “an operator’s country of establishment over economic, technical and regulatory realities.”
When the proposal was announced, EU technology chief Henna Virkkunen defended the move, saying the bloc wanted to “increase European capacity in this sector.” She added that other parts of the frequency band would remain open to international operators, arguing that prioritising European providers was justified.
Other participants involved in discussions over the proposal said some EU officials were specifically seeking to limit Elon Musk’s Starlink satellite network.
Europe’s initiative follows a warning from Washington. In March, the US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) cautioned that it could take retaliatory measures if the EU chose to favour European satellite operators over alternatives such as Starlink.
At the time, FCC Chairman Brendan Carr told the Financial Times: “Some of the discussions in Europe regarding satellite sovereignty concern us. If Europe decides to move down that path, then, as you know, we will have to consider reciprocal measures.”
The European Commission’s proposal has not yet entered formal negotiations with EU member states or the European Parliament.
A source close to SpaceX said the company remained hopeful of influencing the outcome of the process, given concerns raised by both businesses and several European governments.
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