In Germany, discussions are underway regarding the potential transfer of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline to US control. The pipeline became unusable following sabotage in September 2022. The aim is to resume the flow of Russian gas to Europe.

According to a report by Bild newspaper, negotiations are ongoing to reach an agreement.

Meanwhile, some politicians from the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), led by Friedrich Merz, who was recently elected as prime minister, have suggested that natural gas imports from Russia could resume after the war in Ukraine ends.

CDU Member of Parliament Thomas Bareiss stated that Nord Stream 2 could be used for supplies, saying, “If peace is restored, relations normalize, and embargoes gradually ease, then, of course, gas could flow again, perhaps through a pipeline now under US control.”

Jan Heinisch, the deputy chairman of the CDU group in the North Rhine-Westphalia State Parliament, also stated that Germany should consider buying Russian gas again if a “fair and reliable” peace agreement is signed in Ukraine.

Heinisch added, “Whether this will be done by sea or via a pipeline remains to be seen.”

At the same time, Heinisch emphasized that Germany should not be dependent on a single supplier and should avoid situations where prices are “dictated.”

Heinisch is involved in developing the energy policy of the future ruling coalition consisting of the CDU, CSU, and SPD.

On the other hand, Free Democratic Party (FDP) Member of Parliament Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann claimed that the CDU is “already making efforts” to resume natural gas imports from Russia, undermining the country’s hard-won energy independence from Russia.

However, there are those within the CDU who do not want such cooperation to resume.

Party member Ruprecht Polenz said, “Vladimir Putin’s Russia can never be trusted again, and Donald Trump has shaken confidence in America. Therefore, the coalition agreement should rule out the reactivation of the Nord Stream pipeline.”

CDU foreign policy expert Roderich Kiesewetter also criticized this step.

Kiesewetter said, “Those who have always opposed sanctions, those who want Nord Stream to work again and want to pounce on cheap Russian gas again, those who do not care about the genocide suffered by the Ukrainian people, each of them would be extremely pleased with such a rapprochement.”

In addition, SPD Member of Parliament Michael Roth stated that Bareiss’s proposal was an inappropriate signal at the wrong time, coming from someone who had “obviously learned nothing from recent history.”

The German Ministry of Economy, led by Robert Habeck of the Green Party, stated that Nord Stream 2 has not been approved and has not received legal approval, and “there is no question of operating it at the moment.”

The party itself described Bareiss’s statement as “scandalous,” saying, “If Germany starts buying gas from Russia again, it would mean rewarding President Vladimir Putin for his war of aggression.”

Sources speaking to Bild newspaper previously reported that Richard Grenell, the former US Ambassador to Berlin and currently Trump’s special envoy, had traveled unofficially to Switzerland a number of times to discuss the commissioning of Nord Stream 2.

The headquarters of Nord Stream 2 AG, the operator of the pipeline, is located in this country.

The sources claimed that the American side wanted to mediate the supply of Russian gas to Germany, but only at the level of private companies.

Prior to this, sources interviewed by the Financial Times had said that Matthias Warnig, the former CEO of Nord Stream 2 AG, was trying to reactivate Nord Stream 2 with the help of an American investor consortium that had drafted an agreement with Gazprom if sanctions were lifted.

A former senior US official familiar with the matter said, “The US will say, ‘Russia can be trusted now because there are reliable Americans involved.'”

The official added that if everything goes well, American investors will start making money “without doing anything.”

Europe’s major military powers are formulating plans to assume greater responsibility for the continent’s defense, reducing reliance on the United States.

According to a report in the Financial Times (FT), these discussions are driven by fears of a unilateral US withdrawal from NATO, exacerbated by repeated threats from former President Donald Trump to weaken or abandon the transatlantic alliance. The aim is to avoid the chaos that such a withdrawal could cause.

Four European officials familiar with the matter indicated that Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and the Scandinavian countries are among those engaged in these informal discussions.

The FT reports that their objective is to devise a plan that shifts the financial and military burden towards European capitals. The intention is to present this plan to the US before NATO’s annual leaders’ summit in The Hague in June.

The proposal would include firm commitments from Europe to increase defense spending and enhance military capabilities, with the goal of persuading Trump to accept a gradual handover that would allow the US to focus more on Asia.

Since Trump’s election, countries such as Germany, France, and the UK have moved to increase defense spending or accelerate already planned increases. The EU has also launched initiatives to boost military investments among its member states.

Officials estimate that it would take approximately 5 to 10 years of increased spending to elevate Europe’s capabilities to a level where they could replace most US competencies, excluding US nuclear deterrence.

One source stated, “Increasing spending is our only leverage: burden-sharing and moving away from dependence on the US. We are beginning these discussions, but the task is so enormous that many are overwhelmed by its magnitude.”

While US diplomats have assured their European counterparts that Trump will remain committed to NATO membership and Article 5’s mutual defense clause, many European capitals worry that the White House might rapidly reduce troop or equipment deployments or withdraw from NATO’s joint missions.

Officials noted that some capitals are hesitant to participate in burden-sharing talks, fearing it might encourage the US to act more quickly, while others believe that despite Trump’s rhetoric, he does not intend to make significant changes to the US presence in Europe.

Others are skeptical that the Trump administration, given its unpredictable nature, would even agree to a structured process.

One official questioned, “You need an agreement with the Americans, and it’s not clear whether they will be willing to do that. Can you even trust that they would stick to an agreement?”

Officials highlight ongoing and regular discussions, led by France and Britain, about establishing a “coalition of the willing” to support Ukraine in its war against Russia and to invest in European defense.

These discussions among more than ten European defense powers do not include the US.

When asked what a European pillar within NATO would mean and whether it is feasible, a senior Western official responded, “We are seeing it now: the UK and France are taking the initiative [on a guarantee force for Ukraine] without the Americans.”

NATO officials argue that maintaining the alliance with less or no US involvement is much simpler than creating a new structure, given the difficulty of recreating or renegotiating the existing military plans, capability targets, rules, command structure, and Article 5 for the continent’s defense.

Officials stated that for Europe’s core defense, the UK and other Atlantic maritime powers, the Scandinavian countries for the north of the continent, and Türkiye for the southeast defense will always be needed.

Marion Messmer, a research fellow in international security at Chatham House, noted, “Even without the US, NATO provides a structure for security cooperation in Europe. There are aspects that would need to be replaced if the US were to leave. But it provides a framework and infrastructure that Europeans are really familiar with. It does so much of the work that you would have to do from scratch if you were just setting up a different type of structure for just European members.”

The French defense industry is beginning to ramp up more than three years after the war broke out in Ukraine, and as the European Union seeks to build its strategic autonomy.

Today (March 20), Armed Forces Minister Sébastien Lecornu and Economy Minister Éric Lombard will make a highly symbolic visit to inaugurate the new facility of the Eurenco group.

The facility in Bergerac will move the production of 1,800 tons of heavy weapons gunpowder per year from Germany, Italy, and Sweden to France. The company claims it has doubled its sales since 2022 and that its order books are full until 2029.

France’s defense budget, which is 50.5 billion euros this year, is projected to reach 67.5 billion euros in 2030. President Emmanuel Macron has repeatedly stressed that the entire sector should expect a “significant” increase in public orders. This is welcome news for French defense manufacturers, even if the funding issue is far from resolved.

“In November 2021, the Ministry of Defense contacted me to produce ammunition for special forces,” Olivier Lacreuse, President of Plubeau & Cie, told Euractiv.

The company, based near Belfort, initially specialized in precision metalwork for the railway industry and sporting ammunition.

Lacreuse says, “Two models of our ammunition have been approved, and we opened our new factory last Monday, but I am still struggling to secure my raw material supply. I import my cartridge cases from the US, but I am looking for suppliers in France due to the current geopolitical instability.”

Jean-Michel Jacques, a member of Ensemble pour la République (Together for the Republic) and Chairman of the National Assembly’s Defense and Armed Forces Committee, said that the development of France’s defense industry depends on better communication so that companies are “aware” of the needs of the Armed Forces Ministry.

The increase in defense spending is also expected to accelerate the transformation of struggling sectors such as the automotive industry. The Fonderie de Bretagne foundry in the Lorient region, which produces spare parts for Renault and faces bankruptcy, will be taken over by the French Europlasma group. The company plans to produce 24,000 metal casings for artillery shells every day at the facility.

France’s defense industry can also count on its exports, which reached 18 billion euros in 2024, its best result except for 2022.

Increased conflicts worldwide and rising tensions with the US may encourage new buyers to invest in French military equipment.

Sales of Rafale fighter jets, submarines, drones, missiles, and Caesar howitzers naturally benefit major manufacturers such as Dassault Aviation, Safran, and Thales, all of which announced strong profits in 2024, but many small and medium-sized enterprises are also signing contracts abroad.

For example, RTSYS, a company specializing in underwater acoustics and robotics, generates approximately 90% of its revenue from exports to Europe and Asia.

“We expect strong growth in our business in the coming years. With rising tensions in the South China Sea and the recent attacks on Baltic Sea cables, everyone realizes that underwater infrastructure needs to be monitored,” the company’s director, François-Xavier de Cointet, told Euractiv.

Following the European Commission’s announcement of a plan to raise 800 billion euros through loans and debt for defense, French MP Jacques said that French defense companies should coordinate at the continental level.

“The production of new weapons being coordinated at a continental level will help the growth of French industry, contrary to what some people think. We can easily imagine French groups setting up factories in other European countries, just as foreign companies can establish themselves in France,” Jacques said.

For now, the European defense industry and technology base accounts for 33% of global arms exports, including American companies that manufacture in Europe.