Opinion
U.S. policy in the Middle East and aggression toward Iran
The United States continues to menace Iran. It is deploying naval armadas and additional military forces to the region to intimidate Tehran. Simultaneously, it aims to debilitate the country through economic sanctions and by lending support to domestic anti-government activities. However, it must not be forgotten that Iran—no matter how weakened it may become—possesses a state tradition, a profound institutional memory, an experienced military, and military technology that are incomparably stronger than those of Iraq or Syria.
There are, of course, significant reasons for the United States’ aggressive posture. In recent years, its influence—both globally and in the Middle East—has been waning; its hegemonic capacity is eroding, and its control over the strategic environment is weakening. The U.S. explicitly admitted as much in its defense strategy document released at the end of 2025. It no longer possesses the power to project force into every corner of the globe. It lacks the capacity to maintain occupying forces in two countries simultaneously. Yet, at the turn of the century, it did exactly that: occupying Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003. It was capable of effecting regime change in three countries through “Color Revolutions”—as seen in Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004), and Kyrgyzstan (2005).
The U.S. no longer commands such power. This decline is one of the drivers behind its fury and its emphasis on hard power. The U.S. failed to impede China’s rise or prevent Russia from rapidly recovering and expanding its influence. Beyond the growing footprint of these two powers in the Middle East, Washington was also unable to prevent the strengthening of their relations with Iran. The U.S. could not replicate in Iran what it accomplished in Iraq and Syria. Indeed, doing so would be exceptionally difficult.
For a considerable time, the U.S. has prioritized the containment of China, aligning its political, military, and diplomatic assets accordingly. Consequently, rather than intervening directly in Middle Eastern crises, it pushes its regional allies to the forefront. It demands that these allies seize the initiative. It prefers proxy wars, increasingly activating terrorist organizations and non-state actors. It resorts more frequently to social engineering, perception management, psychological warfare, hybrid warfare, and asymmetric warfare tactics. Its actions in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Iran, Yemen, and Sudan serve as proof of this shift.
Iran was the regional actor that benefited most from the U.S. invasion of Iraq. Iranian influence in Syria was already deeply rooted historically. Furthermore, Iran distinguished itself through its anti-Israel stance and its tensions with Saudi Arabia. As a result, Iran steadily increased its influence in the Middle East for years, up until a few years ago.
U.S. priorities in the Middle East
The United States is an imperialist state. Therefore, its priorities regarding the Middle East are numerous and diverse, encompassing geopolitical, strategic, and economic dimensions, as well as aspects related to the region’s rich energy resources and transit routes.
If one were to rank these priorities from the U.S. perspective, the security of Israel would always occupy the first position. Subsequent items would include the control of energy resources and routes, the encirclement of Iran, the reduction of Iranian influence, regime change in Tehran, the establishment of a Kurdish state, the rollback of China’s increasing influence, the halting of Russia’s growing weight, and the support of Saudi Arabia and the Arab nations it leads.
U.S. interest in Middle Eastern energy resources dates back more than a century. For instance, on May 31, 1919, the U.S. Department of State sent the following directive to all its diplomatic missions worldwide: “Wherever petroleum is found or is likely to be found, report on the status of control over those oil resources, prospects for development, and opportunities for U.S. participation in oil production there.” In other words, even then, the U.S. had set its sights on the Middle East, on Mesopotamia, and on the territories of the dismantling Ottoman Empire. On May 3, 1920, Bedford, an executive at Standard Oil of New Jersey, obtained the text of an agreement made on April 27 between France and Britain in San Remo to partition the oil in the aforementioned territories. He obtained this via French delegates in San Remo and transmitted the document to Washington through the U.S. embassy. Washington was furious. France was to receive a 25% share of Mesopotamian oil in exchange for its docility regarding British control. If the oil were to be operated by private companies, this share would remain 25%. Oil operated by private companies in this region would remain under permanent British control. It became clear that the U.S. had to act immediately to protect its rights in the Middle East. (Lawrence Evans, United States Policy and the Partition of Türkiye, 1914-1924, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1965).
When analyzing U.S. global and Middle East policies, the country’s imperialist character must always be taken into account. As an imperialist state, it seeks to access new markets and seize energy resources and precious minerals. Its priorities, threat definitions, objectives, and alliances are shaped accordingly. Looking at the post-World War II era, when the U.S. significantly increased its global weight, one observes the following: The bipolar order and the Cold War years had begun. Most colonies had gained their independence. Among these newly independent nations were countries exploited by Europeans since the 15th century, as well as those that had fallen under the sway of imperialism in the 19th century. These countries were not industrialized enough to be capitalist, nor did they possess a working class or class consciousness sufficient to adopt the socialist model. The majority of these countries were located in the Middle East and Africa.
During the Cold War, the U.S. viewed the USSR and communism as threats. It sought to prevent the development of anti-imperialist leftist currents and anti-imperialist nationalist movements within the Third World and among countries joining the Non-Aligned Movement. In the Middle East, the U.S. perceived Arab socialism—distinguished by its nationalist, anti-imperialist, pro-independence, and leftist character—as a threat. These movements in Arab countries were influenced by the tradition of the Committee of Union and Progress [CUP] in Türkiye, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, and the Kemalist Revolution. The movement led by Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt in the 1950s (his name derives from Djemal Pasha, one of the leaders of the CUP) and the Ba’ath movement [meaning “Resurrection”] which rose with similar claims in Syria and Iraq (though there are differences between the Syrian and Iraqi Ba’ath movements), unsettled the U.S. during those years.
The establishment of close relations between these Arab movements and the USSR also alarmed the U.S. In response, Washington supported Islamist movements in these countries to counter them. The “Green Belt Project,” aimed at encircling the USSR with Islamist regimes in Muslim countries, was activated during this period. Through this project, brought to the agenda in 1977 by Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor to U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Islamist currents were supported in Türkiye, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. Saudi-U.S. relations developed further, and the Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwan) in Egypt received significant support from the U.S.
Dimensions of U.S.-Iran tension
With the overthrow of the pro-American Shah of Iran in 1979 as a result of the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the rise of Khomeini to power, the importance the U.S. attached to the Green Belt Project increased further. The U.S., which desired full alignment from the four countries within the scope of the Green Belt Project (Türkiye, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan), lost its influence in Iran when the Islamic Revolution took place in 1979. Immediately thereafter, it incited Iraq against Iran. During the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988), the Arab world (excluding Syria) and the West supported Iraq. The total loss of life for Iran and Iraq exceeded one million. The economies and industries of both countries suffered massive blows. Throughout the war, Western arms manufacturers sold vast quantities of weapons to both belligerents, as well as to countries with close U.S. ties, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, Kuwait, Jordan, the UAE, and Bahrain.
Iran is one of the pivotal countries of the region. Encircling Iran and changing its regime are among the United States’ priorities. To this end, it has been applying economic sanctions for years. It isolates Iran politically and diplomatically. It threatens and pressures the country militarily. It attempts to obstruct Iran’s nuclear activities. The U.S. views Iran as one of the greatest obstacles to a Kurdish state, which is intended to be established through the partitioning of four regional countries (Iraq, Syria, Iran, Türkiye). Israel, one of the U.S.’s two strategic partners (the other being the UK), is also in a state of constant tension with Iran; in 2025, the two countries launched air attacks against one another for 12 days. The two states view each other as existential threats. In recent years, Israel has dealt heavy blows to Iranian-backed Hamas in Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The regime change in Syria and the increasing influence of the U.S. and Israel over Damascus constitute a major defeat for Iran.
The U.S. is also attempting to block Iran’s oil exports. It imposes sanctions—or threatens to impose them—on countries that trade with Iran. It has designated the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization and pressured the European Union to adopt a similar decision. The U.S. also pressures Egypt and Saudi Arabia to keep their distance from Iran, forcing the Gulf countries led by Saudi Arabia to take a stance against Tehran.
Will U.S. sanctions against Iran achieve their objective?
Iran has lost significant influence following the overthrow of Assad in Syria—a country where it had invested and provided massive support for years—and the successive blows dealt by Israel to Hamas in Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The Iranian-backed “Shiite Crescent,” the “Axis of Resistance,” and Iran’s proxy forces beyond its borders have suffered heavy losses. Currently, only the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen continue their struggle.
The sanctions and economic embargoes the U.S. has applied since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, its efforts to incite the public to rebellion against the regime, and its attempts to render PJAK (the Iranian extension of the PKK terrorist organization) more effective, have not yet yielded the hoped-for results. While attempting to encircle Iran, the U.S. has also sought to weaken it through proxy wars. Yet, following the U.S. occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq, Iran actually increased its influence in the region.
U.S. economic sanctions have been effective; they have hindered Iran’s technological development and dragged down its oil and natural gas exports. However, they have thus far failed to bring Iran to its knees. Poverty, unemployment, the high cost of living, corruption, and repression within the country have fueled anger toward the regime. Nevertheless, it has been observed that when faced with foreign intervention, the Iranian people set aside their grievances and ideological differences to defend their country against external threats. Furthermore, possessing nuclear deterrence is a goal upon which different political views in the country converge and agree.
In conclusion, Iran is a country with a strong state tradition and deep historical accumulation. It utilizes Persian nationalism, the Islamic Revolution, Shi’ism, anti-Americanism, anti-imperialist rhetoric, and enmity toward Zionism and Israel in its foreign policy—deploying each at the right place, at the right time, in the right dose, and according to the interlocutor. Even if Iran has taken heavy blows in recent years, the influence it has achieved as a regional actor, its alliance relations, military power, state structure, and national culture remain significant. One must not forget that despite anti-regime opposition and significant problems on the domestic front, Iran will resist the U.S., and even in the worst-case scenario, it remains a state incomparably stronger than Syria or Iraq.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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