Diplomacy
War in Ukraine revives global arms industry
Russia-Ukraine war continues to make global arms industry giants earn money, especially the U.S. and Europe. Strong arms companies, particularly in Europe, aim to increase their production capacity to be able to keep up with the orders.
The famous British company BAE Systems, for example, decided to restart the discontinued production of M777 howitzer, which had succeeded in the war. According to the BAE, Central European countries are interested in M777. The company’s vice president, Mark Signorelli, added that they need order of at least 150 new M777 to start production again.
U.S. military approval is expected to start reproduction. New orders are also coming in for American HIMARS and Anglo-Swedish co-made NLAW portable anti-tank missiles.
U.S. based usual suspects Raytheon Technologies, Lockheed Martin and L3Harris Technologies are also winners of the war. L3Harris received an order worth $200 million to be sent to Ukraine. Raytheon has started using obsolete parts from the old Stingers and has called his retired staff back into office to increase production. Lockheed Martin doubled the production of Javelin anti-tank missiles and increased the production of HIMARS rocket launchers and GMLRS missiles by 60 per cent.
The war ‘relieves’ German Industry
Struggling German industry due to the cutting of cheap Russian gas, has been given a consolation called war. Germany’s automotive and defence company and one of Europe’s leading arms manufacturers Rheinmetall AG, acquired the Spanish explosive manufacturing company Expal for 1.2 billion euros. Armin Papperger, CEO of the company, said the customers will sign contracts with companies who have the capacity. According to Rheinmetall, Expal expected sales of around 400 million euros in 2023.
Rheinmetall shares have gained 115 per cent since January 1st. The company announced that it has increased tank ammunition manufacturing from 70,000 to 140,000 in one year. Rheinmetall, which also increased its cannon production from 70,000 to 110,000, also doubled its mortar production capacity. Papperger noted that they increased their potential medium-calibre ball production capacity from 1.2 million to 2.2 million annually and increased their capacity to produce military trucks from 2,500 to 4,000.
Rohde & Schwarz, who developed German military communication equipment other than Rheinmetall, Traton of Volkswagen, who developed military vehicles together with Rheinmetall, and Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (KMW), the manufacturer of Leopard 2 tanks, are also struggling to fulfil orders.
The German government had recently ordered 100 Panzerhaubitze 2000 self-propelled howitzer to be sent to Ukraine. KMW will be responsible for their production. The contract is said to be worth 1.7 billion euros. These howitzers have recently become a hot topic in the German media, claiming that they are the subject of a complaint in Ukraine because of their maintenance.
KNDS, the joint venture between KMW and France’s Nexter says governments should shape new arms contracts. KNDS CEO Frank Haun underlines that they cannot risk increasing capacity with just speeches and announcements.
The German government’s rearmament programme is also an incentive for its struggling economy. Carl Jonasson, CEO of Snigel Design, a Swedish maker of military gear, did not hide the fact that he was surprised by the size of the order they received from Germany in May.
Eastern and Central Europe find new export markets
In addition to German armament manufacturers, the war industry of the former Warsaw Pact countries has also achieved a significant market with the Ukrainian war.
Sebastian Chwalek, CEO of PGZ, the state-owned weapons and ammo consortium in Poland, said they have an important opportunity to enter new markets and increase export revenues in the coming years. The PGZ consortium controls over 50 companies, from weapons to shipping.
PGZ plans to invest 1.75 billion euros in the next decade, Chwalek told Reuters. That’s more than double its pre-war investment plan. The new production facilities will be built away from the border with Russia’s ally Belarus for security reasons, he said.
In 2023, Chwalek announced that they had reached the capacity to produce 1000 pieces of Piorun MANPAD systems. This figure was 600 in 2022 and 300 to 350 in previous years. The company’s pre-war 2022 revenue target was 1.43 billion euros. With the new situation, it is thought that this income will be much higher at the end of the year.
Czechia is also one of the countries that put the arms industry at the service of war in Ukraine. Prague has sold 2 billion euros of weapons and equipment to Kyiv, Czech Deputy Defence Minister Tomas Kopecny told Reuters. Czechia (then Czechoslovakia), the largest weapons producer after the USSR during the socialist bloc period, has realized its highest arms export since 1989.
David Hac, chief executive of Czech STV Group, the largest ammunition producer in Czechia, said that they would create new production lines for small-calibre ammunition and that they were considering expanding its large-calibre capability. Considering the tight labour market, Hajj added, they are trying to get new workers from a slowing automotive industry.
Another Czech war giant, the Czechoslovak Group, nearly doubled its revenues in the first half of 2022 compared to the same period of the previous year. The Group’s spokesman, Andrej Cirtek, said their sales to the Ukrainian army multiplied after the war in Ukraine started.
Surprise attack from South Korea
South Korea, which has become the world’s fourth largest arms exporter, is also one of the winners of the Ukrainian war. The K2 tanks developed by ROTEM, an affiliate of the Hyundai-Kia Automotive Group, are already targeted by many countries from Mexico to Qatar.
Although Seoul has declared that it will not provide lethal aid to Ukraine directly, it is reported that the United States wants to buy ammunition from Korea to send to Ukraine. When details of the deal surfaced in the Wall Street Journal, the South Korean Defence Ministry insisted that they believed the U.S. was the ammunition’s end user.
Despite all these statements, South Korea’s relation with the Ukrainian war is not new. Last September, South Korea inked the largest arms agreement with Poland in its history to supply 1,000 K2 tanks, more than 600 Hanwha K9 self-propelled howitzers and dozens of combat aircraft to Warsaw. This deal will help Poland to send more weapons to Ukraine.
Customers of Hanwha K9 howitzers include Finland, India, Norway, Estonia, Australia, Egypt, and Turkey.
Limits of the arms industry
Under threat of deindustrialisation, the consolation that Europe found in war has its limits. The defence industry’s renaissance may begin to descend again due to the rising cost of materials and energy and dependence on imports from third countries.
Most of the raw materials needed to produce military products are not mined or are mined in limited amounts in EU countries, Jiří Hynek, head of the Association for Weapons and Defence Industry of the Czech Republic, told EURACTIV. Hynek underlined that most of the crucial materials are imported from Asian and African countries.
The materials that are in short supply on the market today are: all packaging materials, many chemicals but also the cellulose required for manufacturing gunpowder, and synthetic rubber, whose prices are astronomical, Hynek said. The latest material is used for ballistic resistant vests, and the EU is dependent on Asia, especially China, for this substance.
The price of steel has gone from 700 euros per tonne to 3500 euros, while aluminium has risen from 5 euros per kilo to 15 euros, according to Paolo Può, president of the Italian military shipbuilder Cantiere Navale Vittoria. Noting that most of their contracts are signed with the state, Può added that they are asking the government for intervention in the sector.
Rheinmetall also announced that they are stockpiling raw materials. The German arms manufacturer said that they purchased aluminium and important plastics in the first place, adding that they also obtained semiconductors to avoid supply problems in the medium term. The company also mentioned they have significantly increased working capital this year.
In France, on the other hand, the war industry has been experiencing production difficulties since before the Ukrainian war due to the semiconductor and chip problems.
Diplomacy
India’s Russian oil imports hit record high as Middle East tensions disrupt markets
India is increasing imports of Russian oil and coal as supply chain disruptions and rising prices linked to tensions involving Iran reshape global energy flows.
According to a Reuters report citing data from analytics firm Kpler, shipments from Russia to India reached record levels in June.
Kpler estimates that Russian oil deliveries to India will rise to a record 2.55 million barrels per day in June.
That would surpass both the 2.13 million barrels per day recorded in May and the previous high of 2.16 million barrels per day registered in May 2023.
Russia’s share of India’s total oil imports in June is expected to come in at just under 50%. Before the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, the figure averaged 23% during the three months preceding February 28.
India’s shift toward Russian crude followed the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran and a temporary suspension of sanctions on purchases by the administration of US President Donald Trump in an effort to increase market supply.
However, the sanctions waiver expired on June 17 and was not extended by the US Treasury Department.
Reuters noted that this could lead to a decline in purchases of Russian crude, although the outcome will depend on the willingness of Indian refiners and government officials to return to sourcing shipments from Middle Eastern suppliers.
According to Kpler forecasts, imports from Saudi Arabia are expected to remain at 349,000 barrels per day in June. That compares with an average of 832,000 barrels per day during the three months before the conflict.
A similar trend is visible in coal imports. Imports of Russian coal across all grades are expected to reach 3.16 million tonnes in June, compared with 3.27 million tonnes in May.
Both figures would rank as the second and third highest on record, respectively, behind the peak of 3.76 million tonnes registered in May last year.
Russia is also expected to overtake Australia in June to become the second-largest supplier of coal to India, the world’s second-largest coal importer after China.
According to Reuters, Russia is likely to maintain its role as one of India’s key coal suppliers. Future purchases of Russian oil, however, will depend on whether Washington moves to tighten sanctions against Moscow.
New Delhi says oil shipments will not be affected by sanctions
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said in mid-June that the country had increased purchases of Russian oil since 2022 at Washington’s request in order to help contain global energy prices.
Jaishankar criticised US restrictions on Russian commodities and urged policymakers not to present such measures as matters of grand principle.
Sujata Sharma, a representative of India’s Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, also said in May that shipments from Russia were continuing and would do so regardless of US decisions concerning sanctions waivers.
Indian refiners reduced imports from Russia in 2025 and turned to suppliers in Saudi Arabia and Iraq amid pressure from the United States and threats of a 25% tariff on Indian goods.
However, Reuters data show that following the outbreak of war in the Middle East and the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, Indian companies began increasing purchases of Russian crude again in early March.
Russia’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, said at the end of April that Moscow was prepared to supply as much raw material as India was willing to accept.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov later confirmed that Moscow remained committed to its agreements on energy shipments to India.
Diplomacy
EU, US and China intensify competition over Africa’s strategic minerals through Lobito Corridor
Africa is becoming an increasingly intense arena of competition among China, the US and the European Union over access to strategic raw materials.
According to an analysis by German Foreign Policy, the Lobito Corridor, a rail link connecting the copper belt of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the Atlantic port of Lobito in Angola, is playing a pivotal role in that contest.
The infrastructure project is regarded as one of the flagship initiatives of the EU’s Global Gateway strategy and is also viewed by Washington, which is investing in the region, as a means of reducing dependence on China.
In the future, copper, cobalt, lithium and other raw materials essential for the production of batteries, electric vehicles, digital technologies and military equipment will be transported westward via this route.
The initiative builds on infrastructure originally constructed during the colonial era to facilitate the export of African raw materials.
Critics argue that the expansion of the Lobito Corridor perpetuates existing patterns of resource extraction under new conditions.
Global Gateway as a counter to the Belt and Road
The European Commission approved the Global Gateway programme in September 2021.
Under the programme, nearly €300 billion is to be invested in infrastructure projects across Africa, Asia, Oceania, Southeast Europe, and South and Central America by 2027.
The programme is widely viewed as a response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
One of its central objectives is to diversify Europe’s imports of critical raw materials, particularly by reducing dependence on supplies from China.
During a visit to China in late May 2026, German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche of the CDU underscored the importance of secure access to critical raw materials and rare earth elements. This is the area in which Germany remains most dependent on China.
Colonial-era infrastructure remains intact
One of the clearest examples is the 1,300-kilometre Lobito Corridor, which runs from the edge of the Zambia-Southern Congo copper belt to the port of Lobito in Angola.
The core infrastructure of this trade corridor was established through the Benguela Railway, which was built as early as 1902 at the height of European colonial expansion. The railway extended eastward from the port city of Lobito through what is now Angola, providing access to the mineral-rich regions of southern Congo and Zambia.
In 1931, following completion of the initial railway line, the British mining and railway company Tanganyika Concessions transferred its 99-year concession rights to Portugal’s colony of Angola.
The concession expired in 2001, after which the infrastructure, previously controlled by Portuguese authorities, was transferred to the Angolan government.
By 2030, annual copper shipments through the route are expected to reach one million metric tonnes.
Both the EU and the US are relying heavily on the Lobito Corridor in an effort to counter China’s dominant position in Africa’s raw materials sector.
Estimates indicate that roughly two-thirds of global cobalt production originates in the Congo, where Chinese companies are particularly active in mining operations.
China also accounts for approximately 75% of global cobalt processing capacity.
The colonial-era rail line leading to Lobito is intended to redirect exports of copper, cobalt and other raw materials, which have until now largely been shipped eastward via Tanzania, toward western markets, enabling processing in Europe or North America rather than China.
Europe seeks to reduce dependence on China for the green transition
In addition to copper and cobalt, the region holds substantial deposits of lithium, coltan, nickel and rare earth elements, giving it significant economic importance.
These materials are used in electric vehicle batteries, stationary energy storage systems and alloys required for military aircraft production.
Until now, the EU has sourced much of these materials from China. Strategic investment in a new logistics hub in Luau, Angola, located along the Lobito Corridor, is intended to reduce that dependence.
The railway line along the corridor is already operated by a European consortium.
The consortium includes Swiss commodities trader Trafigura, Portuguese construction group Mota-Engil and Belgian rail company Vecturis.
However, the majority of the mines remain under Chinese control. In the Congo, 24 of the country’s 33 cobalt-exporting companies are Chinese-backed.
The Lobito Corridor is being developed through an EU-US partnership
EU efforts to secure influence over the Lobito Corridor are advancing in parallel with similar initiatives by the United States.
In early 2022, the US signed a memorandum of understanding with the EU and other G7 members to mobilise more than $600 billion for infrastructure projects worldwide over the following five years as part of the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).
The Lobito Corridor is one of five key trade, transit and development corridors in Southern Africa designed to improve transport efficiency.
During the administration of President Joe Biden, financing for the Lobito Corridor was launched under the G7’s PGII framework as a flagship project in cooperation with the Global Gateway initiative.
The EU also regards the expansion of the Lobito Corridor as a critical project and has committed more than €2 billion in funding.
That support could increase further. The next EU budget cycle beginning in 2028 envisages nearly doubling spending on development and external assistance, from €108 billion to €200 billion.
EU officials present the strategy as an effort to offer a more comprehensive approach to infrastructure financing than China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
‘America First’ in Africa
The US has pledged hundreds of millions of dollars for the expansion of the Lobito Corridor.
In the final quarter of 2025 alone, it provided $553 million in loans for the project’s expansion.
An additional $200 million in support came from the Development Bank of Southern Africa.
Unlike the Biden administration, which frequently described the initiative as development assistance, the second Trump administration openly characterises the project as an effort to weaken China’s influence, strengthen US control over critical raw materials and diversify supply chains.
For example, Frank Garcia, a former naval officer appointed in late May as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, praised the Trump administration’s continuing engagement on the continent.
Highlighting the Lobito Corridor in particular, Garcia said the project aligns key US interests in Africa with the “America First” approach.
Germany in Africa for the energy transition
Last autumn, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier travelled several kilometres on the newly restored railway line along the Lobito Corridor and described it as “a strategic infrastructure project of enormous economic importance.”
The German politician added: “Of course, this infrastructure connection also creates investment opportunities for European and German companies along its route.”
Portuguese construction company MCA is currently building solar energy parks in 60 municipalities across Angola at a cost of just under €1.29 billion.
The client is Angola’s Energy Ministry, while the German government is supporting the project through export credit guarantees.
Should Angola fail to meet its payment obligations, Germany would step in. A total of 95% of the project value is guaranteed by the Federal Republic of Germany.
In return, Angola agreed to allow German companies to participate in the project. For example, the battery storage system is being supplied by SMA Solar Technology, based in Niestetal near Kassel.
German solar technology provider Gantner Instruments Environment Solutions is supplying the digital control system.
Critics of the Lobito Corridor expansion warn that the project will primarily benefit the EU and the US.
In their view, the initiative promotes the export of African raw materials rather than strengthening intra-African trade.
Although the EU presents these measures as a development project aligned with African interests, critics argue that they ultimately represent a continuation of Western exploitation of African resources.
Diplomacy
EU presses Türkiye for non-Russian gas supplies under future energy contracts
The European Union is insisting that natural gas delivered to member states via Türkiye under new supply agreements must not be of Russian origin.
German Economy Minister Katherina Reiche said after an official visit to Ankara that “Türkiye understands that the EU attaches great importance to ending the supply of raw materials originating from Russia and accepts this reality.”
Reiche added that Turkish officials had made it clear that replacing supplies from Russia could not be achieved overnight, either economically or in terms of available alternative sources.
As of June 17, a ban on pipeline natural gas imports from Russia under short-term contracts signed more than a year ago entered into force across the European Union.
The measure was approved by the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament at the end of last year. In January 2025, EU member states also voted to phase out Russian gas completely by 2027. Under that decision, member states are required to verify the origin of gas supplies before authorizing deliveries.
Meanwhile, Swiss-based company Nord Stream 2 AG, the operator of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, has launched legal action challenging the regulation imposing the ban on Russian gas imports.
Türkiye, for its part, is continuing negotiations with Gazprom on natural gas supplies for the period after 2026, as existing contracts are approaching expiration.
Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar previously said the parties had yet to reach agreement on potential shipment volumes and the duration of any new contracts.
In December 2025, Ankara extended by one year two agreements with Gazprom covering gas deliveries through the TurkStream and Blue Stream pipelines.
Türkiye is seeking to reduce Russia’s share of its gas supply mix. Russia’s share of Türkiye’s natural gas imports has already fallen below 40%.
As part of its energy diversification strategy, Ankara plans to replace part of Russian gas imports with supplies from the United States and Central Asia.
Bayraktar previously said that despite US calls to abandon Russian energy resources, Türkiye would continue purchasing natural gas from Russia.
“We cannot tell our citizens there is no gas available. We have agreements with Russia. Winter is approaching. We need gas from Russia, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan,” Bayraktar said.
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