Opinion
Bangladesh goes to national elections amid boycott of the opposition parties
Imtiaz Ahmed, Journalist
Bangladesh – Dhaka
Bangladesh goes to the 12th Jatiya Sangsad (JS) elections on Sunday (January 7, 2024) amid boycott of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the main opposition political party, and some left and right Islamic political parties.
According to Election Commission (EC) officials, a total of 1,970 candidates, including 1,534 from 28 political parties and 436 independents, are vying in the 7 January polls in 299 parliamentary seats
Though the EC declared an election schedule for all 300 constituencies simultaneously across the country, the polls will be held in 299 seats as a contestant of Naogaon-2 constituency died.
The Bangladesh government has declared the election day, 7 January , as a public holiday.
The voting will start from 8.00 am on January 7 and will continue till 4.00 pm on the day.
As Thursday was the last day for the candidates to conduct an election campaign, many of the MP aspirants were seen going door to door and seeking votes for themselves.
Bangladesh witnessed tremendous development under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in last 15 years. The South Asian country became a member of a middle-income group in 2021 and is set to come off the least developed country (LDC) status by 2026.
The country has seen the construction of Padma Bridge, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Tunnel built under the Karnaphuli river in Chittagong, expansion of the Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport, the introduction of metro rail service in Dhaka city and ongoing construction of Matarbari Deep Sea Port in Chittagong during the last 15 years.
Controversies still exist in Bangladesh over the last two parliament elections held in 2014 and 2018 as the main opposition political party BNP accused the ruling Bangladesh Awami League of meddling into the electoral process.
Bangladesh held the first parliament election in 1973 and the Bangladesh Awami League claimed the landslide victory with 293 seats out of 300 seats.
The military rulers General Ziaur Rahman and General Hossain Mohammad Ershad conducted parliament elections in 1979 and 1986 and their parties— Bangladesh Nationalist Party and Jatiya Party– won the elections respectively.
Bangladesh also conducted parliament elections under interim and caretaker governments in 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2008, perhaps the most credible polls in the history of the country, according to civil society members, economists, journalists, business leaders, historians, educationists and even most top leading ruling and opposition political parties.
The country got independence in 1971 through a bloody war with the Pakistani military. Some 30 lakh people lost their lives in the liberation war and some 3 lakh women and girls got physically assaulted.
Though countries in the South Asia –-India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Bhutan and even Pakistan –have developed credible and transparent election system over the years, controversy still persists in Bangladesh among the major political parties over the conducting parliament election.
The culture of showing respect to the opposition political parties has not grown over the last 52 years and even the situation has worsened further in recent years, according to neutral political persons.
Former Election Commissioner of Bangladesh (2007-2012) M Sakhawat Hossain in several talk shows considers that the parliament election without the main opposition political party—Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)- will deepen political crisis in the country.
He wrote more than 32 books, and serves as a columnist and freelance commentator on national and international television as a security and defense analyst.
Taswar Ahmad, a student of the computer science and engineering department of the North South University, while talking to this correspondent said that he is excited as he will cast vote in the parliament election for the first time in his life.
Ahmed Rasel, a young staff member of a leading English daily at Eskaton Garden, said that he will boycott this parliament election, calling this a mockery of the ruling political party.
Meanwhile, US State Department Spokesperson Matthew Miller said during a regular media briefing recently that the US wants a free, fair, and credible election, which is conducted in a peaceful manner.
“We do not support one political party in Bangladesh; we don’t favor one political party over the other. We urge all parties to exercise restraint, avoid violence, and work together to create the conditions for free and fair elections conducted in a peaceful manner,” he added.
When asked about the recent alleged threats against Ambassador Peter Haas, the US State spokesperson said, “The safety and security of our diplomats overseas is, of course, our – our top priority. We take any threats against them very seriously.
“Violence or threats of violence directed at our diplomatic personnel is unacceptable. We have repeatedly raised our concerns about the threatening rhetoric directed at Ambassador Haas with the Bangladeshi Government. Would remind them that they have an obligation under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations to ensure the safety and security of US diplomatic missions and personnel,” he added.
Meanwhile, European Union (EU) Ambassador to Bangladesh Charles Whiteley has laid emphasis on peaceful, fair and participatory elections in Bangladesh.
“We encourage peaceful, free, fair and participatory elections in Bangladesh,” he told reporters after his meeting with Awami League General Secretary and Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader.
Meanwhile, during a weekly media briefing in New Delhi on Thursday, Indian Ministry of External Affairs Spokesman Randhir Jaiswal said, “The elections in Bangladesh – and we have been very consistently saying this – is the domestic affair of Bangladesh.”
“It is for the people of Bangladesh to decide their future,” he added.
He made the remarks when reporters asked what India’s view regarding questions being raised over the credibility of the Bangladesh elections on 7 January as major opposition parties are not participating.
Reporters also asked if India was sending any team of official observers to Bangladesh, to which Randhir did not comment.
Senior diplomat Randhir Jaiswal on Wednesday assumed charge as the new spokesperson of India’s Ministry of External Affairs, succeeding Arindam Bagchi.
Meanwhile, Bangladesh Awami League President and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on Wednesday urged the people to give a befitting reply to arson violence of the BNP and Jamaat by casting their votes in the 7 January general election.
“Don’t only cast your vote, protect your vote also. Give a befitting reply to arson violence, militant and terrorist BNP and Jamaat,” she said while addressing an election rally, arranged jointly by AL Dhaka City South and North units at Kalabagan Krirachakra Field in the city’s Dhanmondi area.
She asked the people of Bangladesh to stay vigilant always against arsonists BNP and Jamaat as they want to destroy the country.
“The BNP and Jamaat want to snatch your votes in the upcoming election by resorting to arson violence,” she said.
The PM urged the voters to go to polling stations and cast their votes in the morning on 7 January so that none can snatch away their voting rights and election.
Alleging that BNP is habituated to rig votes, she said the party is now boycotting the election as it can’t steal votes.
“They don’t want to run in the election, rather want to spoil the election…But they don’t have so much courage to stop the election. They won’t be able to do so,” she went on.
Referring to the BNP’s poor performance in the 2008 election, Hasina said many people had earlier thought that BNP is a very strong party and would secure more seats or equal to Awami League’s in that election.
“We now get votes of the people as we’ve won the hearts of the people by working for them in every sector. We don’t need to rig votes,” she said, adding that the BNP can’t win without vote-rigging which was proven in the 2008 election.
The PM said her government has already undertaken projects to make the rivers surrounding Dhaka, including the Buriganga, Balu and Turag, free from pollution, enhance their navigability and construct walkways on their banks.
She said the overhead cables of different services will be taken underground in phases to enhance the beauty of Dhaka and thus ensure safety of the city dwellers.
The prime minister greeted everyone on the occasion of the new year of 2024.
The AL president introduced her party’s 15 candidates who are running in the 12th parliamentary election from different constituencies in Dhaka, seeking votes for them.
Meanwhile, Foreign Secretary Masud Bin Momen said that out of 127 foreign observers or experts, 60 have already arrived in the country ahead of the national polls.
“So far, 60 foreign observers or experts have arrived here and all together 127 have scheduled to come. Besides, 73 foreign journalists have received accreditations and among them 17 have already arrived,” he said while talking to reporters after the chief election commissioner briefed the foreign diplomats stationed in Dhaka.
Masud said, “Most of the foreign election observers and journalists will arrive here by tonight and tomorrow morning. They will monitor the polls in Dhaka and also outside Dhaka.”
“We can’t determine where they will go, but we have suggested that they choose the destinations that have air connectivity,” he added.
The foreign secretary said the government will provide security to the foreign diplomats and offered local hospitality to officials of the election commissions of other countries.
More than 50 diplomats of different countries stationed in Dhaka attended the briefing where the CEC informed them the latest updates of the preparation of the Sunday’s election.
He said the CEC was able to make the diplomats understand that there is no lack of sincerity and dedication from the election commission to hold a free and fair election…
Meanwhile, Bangladesh’s main opposition political party, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), leader Abdul Moyeen Khan on Thursday alleged that the government will suffer a crushing defeat through the ‘dummy’ election on 7 January.
“The government is thinking of a victory on 7 January. The reality is that Awami League will suffer a severe defeat in Bangladesh on 7 January,” he said.
Speaking at a rally, the BNP leader also said Awami League which claims to be a pro-independence force, is walking on the wrong path. “If they continue to walk on the wrong path, they will be thrown into the dustbin of history.” You (AL) should realise this bitter truth.”
Bangladesh Smmalita Peshajibi Parishad, a platform of pro-BNP professionals, arranged the rally in front of the Jatiya Press Club in protest against the 12th parliamentary polls billed for 7 January.
Later, Moyeen, a BNP standing committee member, along with the leaders and different professional bodies distributed leaflets among the pedestrians urging them to boycott the election.
He called upon the government to come to the right path to restore peace in the country by cancelling the election, and dissolving the parliament and the cabinet. “You won’t be able to suppress the 18 crore people of Bangladesh with bullets, sound grenades and tear gas. So come to the path of negotiation, come to the path of peace.”
The BNP leader said 63 political parties, including the BNP, are boycotting the election as they believe in liberal, democratic and peaceful politics. “That’s why I am calling upon the government to come back from the wrong path. Try to learn how to respect the opinion of the people of the country. You claim that you are the pro-Liberation War forces. If that is the case, why have you sacrificed democracy?”
He said both the people of Bangladesh and the foreigners have no confidence in the 7-January election.
Moyeen said journalists from different international media came to Dhaka to present how a so-called election is being held in Bangladesh through their reports.
Meanwhile, BNP Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi distributed leaflets, containing BNP’s call for boycotting Sunday’s election, near Uttara Rajuk School in the morning.
Talking to reporters there, he said only the Awami League leaders and workers, not the common voters, will go to the polling stations on Sunday, no matter what strategies the government resorts to.
“The government thought it would show the democratic world that a fair election was taking place by showing dummy candidates…but it has become clear to the democratic world that a stage-managed election is being held in Bangladesh,” the BNP leader said.
Rizvi said the government will not be able to stay in power by holding a dummy election using the state machinery.
“The consequences will not be good if you (govt) push the country towards danger. People will boycott the election and they won’t go to the polling stations,” he said.
Meanwhile, Senior Joint General Secretary of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Ruhul Kabir Rizvi claimed on Tuesday that more than one lakh BNP leaders and activists have been accused in 1,124 cases filed by the police over political programmes enforced by the opposition party since 28 July, 2023
Besides, 24,541 leaders and activists of BNP have been arrested and 27 people, including journalists, have been killed during the period, Rizvi said through a virtual press conference.
“The jail authorities cancelled BNP Joint Secretary General Syed Moazzem Hossain Alal’s division facilities inside the prison,” he added.
Earlier at noon, while distributing leaflets in the Gulshan-2 area, Rizvi once again called on the people to boycott the upcoming elections, terming the polls a farce.
“The nation is being cheated through illegal dummy elections; it is a fraud against the entire nation. We must stand against this illegal election and boycott it,” he said.
Urging voters to prevent the elections, he said, “The fascist Awami League government has rigged people’s right to vote; they have taken away freedom of speech. They want to shape the country as a one-party state, but it will not be possible on independent soil.”
He also said the BNP would revive democracy in Bangladesh through a peaceful process.
The BNP, among some other parties, had called for elections to be held under a caretaker government – the constitutional provision for which was scrapped in 2011
Meanwhile, the BNP has announced a 48-hour hartal from Saturday morning in protest of the 12th Jatiya Sangsad polls.
The opposition party and its allies will observe the hartal programme from Saturday 6am to Monday 6am, BNP Senior Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi announced in a virtual press briefing on Thursday.
Earlier in the day, the opposition party also announced countrywide processions and mass contact campaigns for Friday.
Rizvi on the day called for boycotting the upcoming national elections for public interest.
“Boycott the election for public interest, for civil liberties and in the interest of basic freedom of the people,” he said after distributing leaflets, calling on people to boycott the elections and join BNP’s non-cooperation movement in front of Uttara Rajuk Model College.
“Don’t push the country towards danger by forcing dummy and one-sided elections,” he urged the government.
The BNP leader also said, “Power cannot be retained by cheating the people in this way.”
Meanwhile, Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Kazi Habibul Awal on Thursday said the Election Commission (EC) has assured diplomats of different foreign countries and representatives of different international organizations that the upcoming parliament election will be free, fair and credible.
“The upcoming parliamentary election will be free, fair and credible,” he told journalists after briefing diplomats of different foreign countries and representatives of different international organizations on the latest and overall situation of the 12th parliamentary polls in a city hotel.
Election Commissioners (EC) Brig Gen Md Ahsan Habib Khan (Retd), Rashida Sultana, Md. Alamgir, Md. Anisur Rahman, Foreign senior secretary Masud Bin Momen, Information and Broadcasting senior secretary Md. Humayun Kabir Khandaker, Election Commission Secretary Md. Jahangir Alam, Principal Information Officer Md. Shahinoor Miah were present on the occasion.
The CEC said the Election Commission has taken all necessary measures to hold the upcoming parliamentary election slated for January 7 in a free, fair and credible manner.
“We are focusing on the entire situation related to the parliament election to make it transparent, credible, free and fair,” he added.
The CEC said diplomats of different countries and representatives of different foreign agencies have shown their desires for holding a free, fair and credible general election after coming to the Election Commission in many times.
In response to interests and desires of foreign diplomats and representatives, he said, “We have been able to assure them that the upcoming parliamentary election will be held in free, fair and credible manner . . . election commission is constantly overseeing entire situations of the parliament election.”
As part of the initiatives related to elections, Awal said, “We will introduce election management apps on the election day to know voting percentage in every two hours.”
The newly introduced election management apps will help the parliament election transparent as it will show percentage of casting voters in every two hours, he added.
Anyone can know the voting percentage through the newly introduced election managements apps, the CEC added.
During the meeting, foreign diplomats wanted to know that EC or the government are creating any pressure on voters to go polling stations for casting their vote, Awal said adding EC and the government are not creating any pressure on voters.
As part of the election awareness campaign, the EC is encouraging the people to go to polling station for casting their votes, he added.
Meanwhile, Foreign Secretary Masud Bin Momen said that out of 127 foreign observers or experts, 60 have already arrived in the country ahead of the national polls.
“So far, 60 foreign observers or experts have arrived here and all together 127 have scheduled to come. Besides, 73 foreign journalists have received accreditations and among them 17 have already arrived,” he said while talking to reporters after the chief election commissioner briefed the foreign diplomats stationed in Dhaka.
Masud said, “Most of the foreign election observers and journalists will arrive here by tonight and tomorrow morning. They will monitor the polls in Dhaka and also outside Dhaka.”
“We can’t determine where they will go, but we have suggested that they choose the destinations that have air connectivity,” he added.
The foreign secretary said the government will provide security to the foreign diplomats and offered local hospitality to officials of the election commissions of other countries.
More than 50 diplomats of different countries stationed in Dhaka attended the briefing where the CEC informed them the latest updates of the preparation of the Sunday’s election.
He said the CEC was able to make the diplomats understand that there is no lack of sincerity and dedication from the election commission to hold a free and fair election.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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Russia2 weeks ago71 EU lawmakers demand closure of Russian Houses in 15 member states
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Europe2 weeks agoMI6 investigates potential leaks after former BND chief is detained
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Russia2 weeks agoUS and Russian figures discuss American stake in Nord Stream lines
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Russia2 weeks agoDrone strike shuts down Yandex data centre in Russia’s Ryazan region
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America2 weeks agoTrump weighs presidential memorandum to cut surging US diesel prices
