Opinion
Behind Modi’s success and India’s future
Dr. Duygu Çağla Bayram
For 44 days, India went to the polls in seven phases of general elections. Almost a billion people, more than a tenth of humanity, were eligible to vote. The result was beyond doubt. Modi won a third term, putting his name next to that of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s independence leader and one of the architects of the secular India that Modi is rapidly trying to destroy. Nehru-Gandhi is fortunate to have a weak and dynastic opposition led by the Congress Party. He also has unrivalled propaganda skills. In no other country has its leader’s picture been printed on vaccination certificates, as Modi has done in India…
After the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won India’s 2019 general election, its campaign slogan had also set a target: ‘ab ki baar, 300 paar’ (300 seats this time). It worked; the party and its allies won 353 of the 543 seats in the lower house of the national parliament, returning it to power and giving Narendra Modi a second term as prime minister. In the run-up to the 2024 elections, the BJP adopted almost the same slogan. But the bar was set at 400. It had only been crossed once before: In 1984, by the Congress, now the main opposition party. Could the BJP repeat the feat? Modi’s ambitious slogan ‘Ab ki baar, 400 paar’ for the NDA alliance, targeting more than 400 seats, may have backfired this time, raising fears of constitutional change with such a large majority. The unexpected revival of the Congress party, which has almost doubled its tally for 2019, underlines this shift.
India remains an amalgam of several states that even the most charismatic dictators find difficult to govern completely. As expected, there was no third Modi wave in these elections. Ten years ago, Modi led the BJP to India’s first parliamentary majority in three decades, and five years later, amid tensions with Pakistan, he turned that narrow majority into a more decisive one thanks to growing support. In the 2024 general election, which symbolised a return to pre-Modi India, Indian voters focused on local issues and leaders. In Andhra Pradesh, for example, where the BJP has few local party alliances, its ally Pawan Kalyan, a regional film star who has formed his own party and speaks Telugu, the state’s official language, received a more enthusiastic welcome. Or Maharashtra, which has grown much slower than the national average over the past decade and has overtaken Karnataka and Telangana in per capita income, focused on tough issues such as suicides among indebted farmers; the feeling was that Maharashtra was in decline because Modi had favoured the development of neighbouring Gujarat, his home state. Maharashtra’s disappointment was significant because it has more seats in parliament than any other state except Uttar Pradesh, the heartland of the Hindi belt.
In short, while the urban middle class was generally proud of Modi’s basic narrative for a third term – that a booming economy had boosted India’s global standing – most rural voters were not, still citing daily hardships caused by rising food prices and the urgent need for more government aid.
But in mid-March, India’s Home Minister – and Modi’s close friend – Amit Shah, travelled to Gujarat to launch his re-election campaign, and in a speech to a crowd of BJP workers, argued that the BJP had both improved the lot of ordinary Indians and raised India’s standing in the world, saying that only the BJP could ensure that a ‘small party worker’ like himself and a ‘tea vendor from a poor family’ like Modi were the most powerful men in the country, and that only Modi could make India safe and prosperous.
Foreign policy
Priority foreign policy objectives are to lead the Global South, act as South Asia’s ‘first responder’ and obtain the elusive permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Establishing IMEC, SAGAR, Neighbourhood First policy, mine safety, diaspora, bringing back Bharatiya artefacts, promoting Lord Ram’s legacy are other priority foreign policy objectives. But leadership of the global south is the primary objective. It is clear that India wants to strengthen its position as the voice of the Global South BUT everyone wants to be the leader of the Global South and the question is how to make it a reality…
There was not much talk of regional security during the campaign, just a promise to focus on the Indian Ocean. And the focus on national security was ‘terrorism and naxalism’, not China. And there was not much mention of India’s biggest external challenge, which is China. There was no mention of China, but there was also no mention of America, which is India’s main strategic partner. So the campaign was more about economy – development – welfare – and, of course, Hindu nationalism – than it was about foreign or security policy. But they did seem to focus on multilateralism and soft power issues. At this point, we can expect strong South-South cooperation between India, Brazil and South Africa, also known as IBSA, which will play an important role as the G-20 troika this year.
Domestic policy
Acceleration of infrastructure development along the borders with China, Myanmar and Pakistan, making India the third largest economy, implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act, implementation of the Uniform Civil Code, implementation of One Nation, One Election, free ration cards for 800 million citizens for five years, free electricity for poor households, The creation of infrastructure such as women’s hostels and crèches near industrial and commercial centres to encourage women’s participation in the labour force, the expansion of health services to ensure that women lead healthy lives, access to free and quality health care for senior citizens, continued financial support for farmers and the inclusion of car, taxi, truck and other drivers in all social security programmes are among the important promises made.
The Jekyll and Hyde journey continues…
In India, Modi’s quest for communalism, i.e. the transformation of India from a secular nation into an openly Hindu one, and for the Thatcherite medicine needed to modernise the Indian economy will continue. In his third term, Modi could therefore continue to strengthen Hindu nationalism while accelerating economic reforms. For India’s 200 million Muslims and the country’s various NGOs, academics and secular advocates in the media, life is harder than it was a decade ago and is likely to get harder. India is becoming an elective autocracy. But Modi is also a highly effective project manager. The country’s highways and airports are new and modern (although there are allegations that some highway tenders were not awarded to a single contractor, but were broken up into one-mile segments and awarded to smaller contractors…). Each kilometre of road is of a different quality and level. And note the allegations of some Indians who believe that this was done to win political votes for the BJP, but at the expense of the country’s second-rate infrastructure).
India has seen an increase in internet usage, an increase in air travel, 420 million more bank accounts, 110 million more gas connections, 220 million more insured, an increase in the rate of highway construction, more taxpayers and more taxes paid, the export of anti-covid vaccines to many countries, India’s global prestige has increased, and of course free rations for 800 million people…
India has overtaken China as the fastest growing major country in the world. It has also recently overtaken the UK to become the world’s fifth largest economy and China’s most populous. (It should be noted, however, that Modi is the inheritor, not the inventor, of India’s economic growth momentum). Part of what makes Modi so popular is the sense among ordinary voters and elites that he will bring prosperity to India: India is, after all, the world’s fastest-growing major economy and is expected to become the third-largest by 2027.
Indians are better off than they were ten years ago. There is a sense of pride and belief in a better future, while recognising that there are things that can be done differently, especially with regard to minorities. Further reforms are expected to take India to even greater heights in the period ahead. But while poverty is falling, unemployment remains high (around 8 per cent, the highest rate in 40 years). Every young person who can find the money tries to go to Canada, the United Arab Emirates, Australia or countries like Italy. And the poor are still very poor. Yes, the middle class is growing, the rich are getting richer. But the bottom 40 per cent live in abject poverty. Perhaps it is a Western obsession to compare the GDP of a country with 1.40 billion people with that of the UK with 70 million. The UK’s GDP does not reflect the plight of the bottom 40 per cent. Three-quarters of Indians have no social security, no national health security, no insurance, no travel abroad. Pollution is rife. There is little hygiene. Only 5 per cent of Indians own more than 60 per cent of the country’s wealth, while the bottom 50 per cent of the population own just 3 per cent of it,’ says the Oxfam India report.
On the other hand, the space for dissent in India is shrinking. The courts are mostly compliant and docile. At the administrative level, the autonomy of constitutional institutions has suffered a setback as most governments do Modi’s bidding. The richest names in business, notably Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani, work hand in hand with the ruling party. Corporate taxes are falling and regulatory privileges are being handed out to loyal businessmen. But a strategy to rebuild a pluralistic society along religious majoritarian lines is running into trouble.
A 2023 report by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom said: ‘During the year, the Indian government promoted and implemented religiously discriminatory policies at the national, state, and local levels, including laws targeting conversion, interfaith relations, the wearing of the hijab, and cow slaughter that adversely affect Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Dalits, and Adivasis (indigenous peoples and scheduled tribes). Human Rights Watch summarised the situation of Muslim minorities in India as follows Indian authorities have adopted laws and policies that systematically discriminate against Muslims and stigmatise critics of the government.
The third term is also a mandate to intensify the Hindutva project. This is likely to further deprive India of the culture of polyphonic dissent and tolerance that was the hallmark of the post-independence years. There are already rumblings within the country that the last decade of BJP rule has been a fragment, with more to come… Whatever the word…
Will India become a Hindu society and a dictatorship? No, Indians will find a way to prevent that.
In conclusion, the value of education and scientific research is declining in India, as faith-based knowledge takes precedence over rational thought. I have heard Modi claim that in the past there were plastic surgeons in India who could implant an elephant’s head on a human being, or that planes could not be detected by radar because of clouds, and what is worse, I have heard that there are those who believe all this without hesitation…
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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