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Iran: Left hand continues to embrace the Arabs, right hand clashes with Israel

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On the morning of 26 October, Israel launched a major three-stage attack against Iran, codenamed ‘Day of Repentance’, in retaliation for the second rocket attack on 1 October. Israel’s Jerusalem Post reported that the Israeli air force used hundreds of stealth fighter jets to ‘accurately’ hit Iranian military targets. According to the information gathered, Israeli warplanes targeted Iranian military bases related to air defense, missiles and drones in Tehran, Khuzestan, and Ilam provinces.

Israel later announced the end of the counter-offensive against Iran. The Times of Israel reported that the Israeli government, through a third party, had informed Iran in advance of the targets of the attack and warned it not to respond. This is the first time Israel has carried out an air strike against Iran since its independence, and the fact that it easily defeated Iran’s air defense system shows that Israel has absolute air dominance over Iran, long-range precision strike and large-scale bombing capability. The F-35 stealth fighter is said to have a range of up to 3,500 kilometers at maximum payload.

Iranian official sources said the vast majority of the attacks had been thwarted, causing limited damage, and killing two soldiers. Iran’s First Vice President Ali Reza posted a message on social media saying, ‘Iran’s power has shamed the enemy’. Iranian airspace was immediately opened and civil aviation returned to normal. However, the Iranian Foreign Ministry said it reserved the right to retaliate against the attacks.

Pakistan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Oman, Qatar, and Iraq immediately condemned Israel. Jordan also denied allegations that Israeli warplanes had been allowed to fly over it. The United States said it supported Israel’s right to ‘self-defense’ and warned Iran not to retaliate.

In full view of the world, the ‘second stage’ of Israel’s retaliation finally took place, and the severity and scope of the attack was as expected. Iran’s nuclear and oil facilities were not targeted and there were no serious casualties. Almost all Arab countries with diplomatic relations with Israel condemned the attack. Therefore, symbolic reprisals between Iran and Israel are expected to end in the short term.

While the possibility that Israeli stealth warplanes flew through Jordanian and Saudi airspace to carry out the attack cannot be completely ruled out, there is no evidence that the Arab neighbors are aiding Israel in violation of their recent pledges, nor is there evidence that US warplanes in these countries were involved in the attacks.

More importantly, Iran has entered a period of rapprochement with its Arab neighbors, indicating that it wants to avoid further escalation. On the other hand, Iran is leading a united front of Shiite colors, the ‘Axis of Resistance’, continuing its past proxy and shadow wars with Israel. Thus, while the left hand embraces the Arabs, the right hand can create a new normalization process in the conflict with Israel and exhaust Israel with a long-term low-intensity warfare method. Iran, which finds its new and solid relationship with Saudi Arabia particularly valuable, is trying to win back the Arab countries that once distanced themselves from it.

On the 23rd, Turki al-Maliki, spokesman for the Saudi Arabian Ministry of Defence, announced that Saudi Arabia had recently conducted joint naval military exercises with Iran and other states in the Gulf of Oman. On the 19th, Iranian media reported that Iran, Oman, and Russia had launched a joint naval exercise in the Indian Ocean to which observers from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Thailand had been invited. In addition, the Iranian Student News Agency quoted Iranian Navy Commander Shahram Irani on 21 October as saying: ‘Saudi Arabia has asked to hold joint exercises in the Red Sea’.

The sudden increase in military interaction between Iran and Saudi Arabia, Oman and other Arab neighbours shows that the major powers in the Persian Gulf region are actively seeking cooperation and trying to take control of the situation in an environment where the Palestinian-Israeli conflict continues and there is no hope of a quick resolution. The fact that Iran and Saudi Arabia held joint military exercises for the first time demonstrates the strengthening of strategic trust and interaction following the historic reconciliation brokered by Beijing in March last year. It also underscores the Middle Eastern countries’ quest for independent leadership in regional affairs and their determination to rebuild their geopolitical relationships and security structures. It also increases the likelihood that US efforts to create a ‘Middle Eastern version of NATO’ with Israel and the Gulf Arab states will fail.

Therefore, despite Israel’s large-scale bombing of Iran, Iran is still in an advantageous position and the influence of the superpowers in the region has been revealed. The fact that the two military exercises took place back-to-back and covered a large area of the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, as well as the lack of open support for Israel’s air strikes by neighboring countries, indicates that Iran has activated the situation.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s covert efforts to persuade Israel, and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi’s ‘peace efforts’ and ‘diplomatic shuttle’ with Egypt and the Gulf Arab states, appear to have forced Israel to limit its attack targets to Iran’s military installations and to ignore its nuclear and oil facilities. This is fully in line with the expectations of all parties. It should also be noted that this is a period when the interests of the US and Israel are not fully aligned.

The current situation in Iran has improved significantly. In April this year, Iran carried out its first major air strike against Israel, and traditional allies such as the United States and Britain intercepted Iranian missiles and drones with naval and air power. The Arab neighbors between Iran and Israel explicitly or implicitly supported Israel: Jordan was directly involved, deploying its air defense forces and opening its airspace to Israeli warplanes. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates reportedly provided intelligence support to Iran’s rivals.

The military impact of Iran’s initial retaliation against Israel was almost nil. This was due to the fact that Israel was fully prepared, having been warned in advance of the targets to be attacked, and that it chose weak precision-strike weapons systems with long flight times, but it was also clear that American naval and air bases in Arab countries played an important role in the intervention.

By carrying out the first air strike, Iran earned the title of ‘brave’ for a proportionate retaliation in accordance with international law and enhanced the credibility of the ‘axis of resistance’, which included parties such as Syria, the Islamic Resistance Movement in Palestine (Hamas), Lebanese Hezbollah, the Houthi militias in Yemen and the ‘Popular Mobilisation Force’ in Iraq. Iran thus consolidated its leading position vis-à-vis Israel but lost the diplomatic battle and found itself at odds with its neighbors. This time, however, Iran has escaped the isolation and distress of the struggle with Israel and has won the sympathy of its Arab neighbors.

The rapprochement between Iran and its Arab neighbors could reduce the shadow cast by Israel’s air strikes. In a recent joint naval exercise, Iran cooperated not only with its traditional post-Cold War ally Russia, but also with Oman, where the US and Britain have military bases, and notably invited its old rival Saudi Arabia as an observer. Most pleasing to Iran was Saudi Arabia’s rapprochement and cooperation, which marked a significant shift. Saudi Arabia announced that it would be a participant in the joint exercise, not an observer, which undoubtedly strengthened Iran’s position and reinforced the two countries’ efforts to implement the ‘Beijing Declaration’ and increase strategic trust and cooperation.

Saudi Arabia has also contributed to the reshaping of the regional security architecture by calling for joint exercises with Iran in the Red Sea, its traditional sphere of influence. This could be a sign of Saudi goodwill towards the pro-Tehran Houthi militias, as well as an opportunity for Tehran to wait for the Houthis to resume ceasefire negotiations that have been stalled for years. If the war in Yemen ends with the withdrawal of coalition forces, it would be a complete victory for the Houthi militias and Iran would emerge as the big winner in the long-running conflict in Yemen and the Red Sea.

In June this year, Iran proposed the establishment of a maritime security cooperation mechanism with Saudi Arabia and other regional countries, with the aim of increasing the security defense independence of countries in the region. The consolidation and expansion of the reconciliation process with Saudi Arabia, followed by joint military exercises with Oman and Saudi Arabia, have taken Iran’s idea of regional maritime collective security a step further and partially expanded the diplomatic initiative.

Iran’s diplomacy has taken a new direction and is linked to Saudi Arabia’s recent rapid diplomatic shift. Israel’s aggressive policy, its refusal to recognize the ceasefire in Gaza and the deep suffering of the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples have put enormous internal and external pressure on Saudi Arabia, which sees itself as the Arab leader. This is why Saudi Arabia has not only postponed indefinitely negotiations on a military alliance with the United States but has also suspended the normalization of relations with Israel. At the same time, it returned to the principle of ‘peace in exchange for land’ that it had been advocating since 1982 and maintaining for almost half a century, stressing the need to implement the two-state solution and ensure Palestinian independence, and declaring that only in this way would normalization of Saudi-Israeli relations be possible.

In this way, Saudi Arabia is expressing its dissatisfaction with the unilateral US support for Israel and its anger at the ‘Israel kills and the US holds the knife’ model. At the same time, it is trying to show the Palestinians, the Lebanese, and the entire Arab and Islamic world its responsibilities and obligations as a great power. In this respect, Saudi Arabia and Iran are engaged in a new competition for power peacefully.

Iran, as a non-Arab country of Persian nationality and Shia faith, has raised the banner of Palestinian liberation, leading many non-nation actors to play a new leading role in the Middle East conflicts. This role reversal places Arab countries seeking reconciliation with Israel in a dilemma of “big interests, small morals”, which deeply upsets the political balance of power in the Arab world. This, in turn, has negative consequences for the overall stability and political tradition of the Arab world and has the potential to ultimately undermine the core interests of US allies such as Saudi Arabia.

There are structural conflicts between Iran and Saudi Arabia, including sectarian, ethnic, political system, national strategy, and foreign policy differences, as well as competition for regional status and Islamic discourse. This has led to strained relations, frequent clashes, and even multiple breaks over the past 40 years. The roots of these conflicts lie not only in internal differences on both sides, but also in the rivalry of external powers during and after the Cold War. More than a decade of violent conflicts, from the ‘Arab Spring’ to the ‘Arab Winter’, further deepened the Iranian-Saudi conflict and brought it to a peak; eventually, both sides, overstretched with their limited forces, sought compromise and peace.

The declining influence of the traditional great powers has made Middle Eastern countries more aware of their own independence and empowerment, enabling Iran and Saudi Arabia to take stock of the situation, completely put aside past hostilities and actively reach out to each other. China’s mediation played an important role in this reconciliation.

By mobilizing the ‘Axis of Resistance’, Iran is launching a ‘sixth Middle East war’, unlike the five previous Middle East wars, confronting Israel on seven fronts. This has significantly shifted Israel’s key rivals, decision-making centers and ‘storm center’ from Cairo and Damascus to Tehran. Strategically, it has elevated Iran’s superpower status in the region and strengthened its geographical influence from the Caspian Sea to the Red Sea. This massive change and transformation have led Saudi Arabia to choose to actively participate in and shape Iran’s reshaping of the geopolitical map rather than passively accept it; in other words, it has decided to sit at the table rather than be the dish on the menu.

In this new Middle East war, which stretches from the eastern Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf, although the quite different and even contradictory positions and secret games between Iran and Saudi Arabia on resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict continue, the two countries have passed the tough tests and wisely managed to avoid confrontation. This has not only preserved reconciliation, cooperation, and stability, but also contributed to deepening strategic trust and increasing positive interaction. This is certainly a welcome sign of optimism for the turbulent Middle East and worthy of support.

However, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is the direct cause of Israel’s ‘war on seven fronts’ today. The key to an immediate ceasefire in the ‘sixth Middle East war’, involving large and multinational civil society actors, is to extinguish the flames of conflict in Gaza. Lasting peace and security in the Middle East depend on a fundamental settlement of the territorial disputes between Israel and Palestine, Lebanon, and Syria. This requires getting rid of the deep-rooted dreams of a ‘Greater Israel’, the law of the jungle mentality and the belief in the use of force.

Similarly, Iran, a perennial flashpoint, must realize that geopolitics cannot be a source of livelihood, even if decades of complex relations reflect ‘Persian acumen’. Persian acumen’ should seek a win-win situation based on peace that benefits others as well as itself. The pursuit of national interests and the attainment of great power status must be in line with the trend towards peace, development, and prosperity, especially for one’s own people.

Today, while there is a growing tendency among Arab and Islamic countries in the Middle East to live in peace with Israel, Iran clings to the past and refuses to recognize Israel’s existence as a sovereign state, placing it in a tense standoff with the United States and the Western world. This leads to the suffering of its own people due to the prolonged blockade and sanctions, while at the same time increasing the tension of the Middle East conflicts, the fragility of geopolitical relations and the fragmentation of regional governance. As a result, this paves the way for far-right forces in Israel to gain strength and solid popular support. As a result, proposals for ‘peace for land’ and a ‘two-state solution’ have failed to materialize.

Prof. Ma is Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University (Hangzhou). He specializes in international politics, especially Islam and Middle East politics. He worked for many years as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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